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THE BIU FORUM: FEW THINGS TO KNOW

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THE BIU FORUM: FEW THINGS TO KNOW.

By: A G Abubakar

The Biu Forum was a child of circumstances. It was born in response to the fall out from the August 1991 state creation exercise by the Babangida military regime which initially located Biu in Yobe but removed same after a couple of days. To push for a redress or for an answer, the Forum was initiated. Its drivers came from the entire spectrum of the present day Biu Emirate and Shani Chiefdom, who were then resident in Lagos, the former federal capital.The first meeting was held in October 1991 at Block 4, Flat 3, the Bar Beach Towers, Victoria Island.

The inaugural and subsequent meetings of the forum were attended by such personalities as Shettima Saleh, Saidu Pindar, Tahir A.Musa, PC Abdullahi Mohammed, Musa Yamta, Hassan Bdliya, John Balami, Audu Shettima, Sanda Usman, Adamu Abdullahi, Musa Shani, Major (now Gen) Usman, Muhammad Dili, Ahmed Kuru, Jibrin A.Jibrin, A.G.Abubakar (Convener along with Musa Yamta), Mamman Audu, Paul Mari, Ishaku Abdullahi, Sale Mari Maina, Major. Ibrahim Bantam, Samaila Mamman, Sule Usman, C.D.Gali, and many more. These foundation members nurtured the Forum for years in Lagos before the seat of government was formally moved to Abuja.

Some of them are of blessed memory (may the Almighty grant them His mercy, Ameen), though a lot more are still living. The major objective of the forum at inception was to build a unity of purpose to tackle the challenges facing Biu Emirate, particularly its excision from the then newly created Yobe State. Plus, the need to call for attention to the brazen discriminations visited upon Biu people in the state’s civil service, while also pursuing the creation of a Savannah State. Same, with extending moral and material supports to victims of natural disasters and others like the then Waka-Biu crisis.

It would be recalled that after the Babangida military government decided to split old the Borno State, late General Abacha, then the Chief of Army Staff and the defacto number “two” man, who happened to be of Borno extraction, was assigned to consult with the Shehu as well as other opinion leaders on the government’s proposal to curve out a new state out of Borno. Late Bunu Sherrif, a son of the soil (Goniri), who was then serving as Minister of Labour among others, was to serve as a facilitator. The rough edges were therefore smoothened.

Eventually, Yobe was created. The configuration of which comprised three emirates, namely Biu, Fika, and Bade. Borno and Bama emirates were to remain as the New Borno State. The number of local governments was equally balanced at 22 each. Now, it is lopsidedly 17 and 27 LGAs for Yobe and Borno, respectively.

Along the line, some forces opposed to the inclusion of Biu emerged. The first one was the supposed friction between the Emirs of Biu and Fika regarding the order of protocol. A smokescreen, however, because the real reason was that Fika Emirate was promised the State capital (precisely Potiskum), but that was if Biu wasn’t part of the equation. The other reason was that Biu and Borno Emirates had a historical tie that made the duo almost conjoined. This was also untenable in that Ngazargamo that served as the capital of the old Kanem-Borno was severed into Yobe State. In the end, Biu remains part of Borno.

This development polarised the citizens of Biu Emirate into two. The Elders were not so favourably disposed towards leaving Borno, while the larger youth groups were at home with Yobe.

The advantages they averred included the possibility of playing more dominant political and economic roles in the new state, given the fact that Biu used to hold and still holds the Deputy Governor portfolio in Borno. The emirates (Fika and Biu) equally serve as the manpower base of the region . State politics could turn out to be like Adamawa, where all ethnic groups and/or stripes of faith can become the number one citizen of the state. The Emir of Biu would naturally be the most senior, in addition.

Based on the foregoing, Biu made a case for inclusion or, better still, a re-inclusion into Yobe. A move that was resisted vehemently by certain quarters under the umbrella of BEDA. Others who lent their voices included the Birma, Galadima Stanley Balami, PC Ali Biu, and Alhaji Ibrahim Damchida, all of blessed memory.

The Biu citizens who were pushing for the readjustment initially got the support of His Royal Highness, the Revered Mai Umar, who gracefully endorsed the demand document titled, “A Call For the Adjustment of Biu Emirate into Yobe State.” Or rather agreed for the document to be endorsed on his behalf, which was done. However, under pressure from all corners, His Royal Highness had to reconsider his support, as the Emirate found itself in a difficult situation. It was this development and regardless of the push back that the Biu Forum was formed as an alternative platform to still pursue the inclusion of Biu and Shani into Yobe State.

A petition to the government, was subsequently produced and forwarded. And to get a wider publicity and forestall suppression the Forum’s document was sent to the press . The rested influencial national newspaper, the Sunday Concord of 6th October 1991 carried the entire document. Yours faithfully picked the bill.

One of the the committed and highly articulate members of the Forum at the time, Alh. Muhammed Shehu Birma had his relationship with his principal, the Hon. Minister, Bunu Sheriff strained because of his role and support. Alh. Birma was one of the Special Assistants to the Minister who worked tirelessly to obtain the concurrence of major stakeholders to buy into the Forum’s activities.

When the misunderstanding so created on account of the state creation seemed unabating, formal meetings were called by the late elder statesman Alh. Damcida at his Probyn road, Ikoyi, home to sort things out. The “family” gathering enjoyed the presence of late Dr.Saidu Muhammad, PC Ali Biu, A.G.Abubakar, Muhammad S.Birma, Amb. Saidu Pindar, Alhaji Madu Biu, Shettima Saleh, with apologies from Dr.Bukar Usman.

One of the resolutions that came out of the series of dialogues was an undertaking by Mallam to seek an audience with General Abacha for possible reconsideration of the petition. The outcome was the creation of Hawul and Kwaya Kusar LGAs, while Biu as a whole stayed in Borno State.

As time went on, moves got started to merge the activities of the Forum to those of the senior Biu Development Association, BDA. The BDA is now BEDA (Biu Emirate Development Association). The move never materialised and the activities of both slowed down. It took the efforts of patriots like Engineer Ibrahim Usman, Dan Masani Muhammad Ibrahim, Adamu Abdullahi, Amb. Saidu, Ibrahim M.Kwajaffah, Muhammad Buba, Mai Musti, Bukar Umar and a host of others to revive the Forum and keep it going.

So for all intents and purposes the Biu Forum was not a Biu Local Government outfit. It was initiated to protect and promote the interest of Biu and Shani Emirates. And indeed every Aburwa on the planet. How it became a Forum exclusively for Biu Local Government Area was maybe a later development to give the Forum a sharper focus. And maybe to ensure a seamless coexistence with the senior BEDA.This has been a short story of the now, 33-year old (1991 to –) initiative.

A.G.Abubakar agbarewa@gmail.com

THE BIU FORUM: FEW THINGS TO KNOW

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Opinion Editorial: Nigeria’s Reserved/Special Seats Bill: A Human Rights Imperative for Gender-Inclusive Democracy

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Opinion Editorial
Nigeria’s Reserved/Special Seats Bill: A Human Rights Imperative for Gender-Inclusive Democracy

By: Oluwafisayo Aransiola Fakayode (Human Rights Lawyer & Gender Justice Advocate)
fisayoaransiola@gmail.com

Nigeria stands at a critical juncture in its democratic evolution. In few days, the National Assembly will cast a decisive vote on the Reserved/Special Seats Bill -a landmark bill that could reshape the country’s democratic landscape. The bill proposes creating temporary additional legislative seats that would be contested exclusively by women in Nigeria’s National and State Assemblies to address the country’s low rate of female political representation. At its core, this bill is not merely about increasing the number of women in legislative chambers, it is about affirming democracy’s most fundamental promise: equity.

For decades, Nigerian women have remained underrepresented in governance, their voices muffled in spaces where laws and policies are made and futures are decided. Women make up nearly half of Nigeria’s population, yet they hold less than 5% of seats in the National Assembly. This stark underrepresentation is not just a statistical anomaly; it is a democratic deficit. The bill seeks to correct this imbalance by guaranteeing women a minimum presence in parliament, thereby dismantling systemic barriers that have long excluded half of the nation’s population from meaningful political participation.

The bill is more than a political goal, it is a constitutional and human rights obligation hinged on the principles of substantive equality and affirmative action. This human rights obligation stems from Nigeria’s ratification of several relevant international and regional human rights treaties including the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa (Maputo Protocol). These instruments place obligation on the country to eliminate barriers to women’s participation in political and public life.

Article 7 of CEDAW obligates States including Nigeria to take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination against women in the political and public life of the country, ensure women on equal terms with men have the right to vote in all elections, are eligible for election to all publicly elected bodies, participate in the formulation and implementation of government policy and are able to hold public office and perform all public functions at all levels of government. Similarly, Article 9 of the Maputo Protocol places obligation on States Parties to take specific positive actions to promote participative governance and the equal participation of women in the political life of their countries through affirmative action, enabling national legislation and other measures to ensure that women participate without any discrimination in all elections, women are represented equally at all levels with men in all electoral processes and women are equal partners with men at all levels of development and implementation of State policies. States shall also ensure increased and effective representation and participation of women at all levels of decision-making.

Critics of the Reserved/Special Seats Bill often argue that it undermines meritocracy. However, this critique confuses formal equality with substantive equality. While formal equality insists that men and women should be treated the same, substantive equality recognizes that identical treatment does not always produce fair outcomes when historical and structural disadvantages exist. In a society where patriarchal norms, economic disparities, systemic bias and discrimination within political structures hinder women’s access to political participation, substantive equality demands proactive measures. By adopting the bill, Nigeria would be practicing substantive equality: ensuring that women are not only formally entitled to participate but are actually empowered and equipped with a level playing ground to do so. This approach transforms equality from a theoretical promise into a lived reality, creating a legislature that reflects the diversity of the nation.

The bill is not about giving women an unfair advantage, it is about dismantling the barriers that have marginalized them for decades. It is a corrective measure to restore balance in a system that has historically excluded half of the population from political life. The temporary nature of the bill through including provision for a review to take place after four general election cycles (16 years) ensures that it serves as a transitional mechanism, not a permanent measure. It allows women to build political capital, networks, and experience that will enable them to compete on equal terms in the future. Article 4 of CEDAW explicitly permits temporary special measures to accelerate equality, acknowledging that without corrective action, women will remain marginalized.

The forthcoming National Assembly vote on the Reserved/Special Seats Bill is a defining test of Nigeria’s democratic conscience. Lawmakers must recognize that passing this bill is not an act of charity toward women, but a constitutional duty and a human rights obligation to uphold equity and women’s rights. By enshrining guaranteed representation, the National Assembly would be sending a powerful message that Nigeria is ready to build a democracy that reflects the full breadth of its people’s voices. The bill is more than legislation, it is a moral compass pointing toward a fairer, stronger, and more inclusive Nigeria. A democracy that sidelines women cannot claim to be inclusive, just, or truly representative.

As the National Assembly prepares to vote, the question before Nigeria is not whether women deserve a seat at the table, but whether the nation is ready to honor its democratic ideals by ensuring that everyone, regardless of gender, has the power to shape the country’s destiny. This is a litmus test for Nigeria’s commitment to women’s rights, equity, and democratic integrity. To oppose this bill is to endorse the status quo of gender imbalance. To support it is to affirm that democracy must reflect the diversity of its people. Nigeria cannot claim to be a true democracy while half its population remains politically invisible.

It is time to pass the Reserved/Special Seats Bill not as a favor to women, but as fulfillment of Nigeria’s human rights obligations.

Opinion Editorial:
Nigeria’s Reserved/Special Seats Bill: A Human Rights Imperative for Gender-Inclusive Democracy

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Voices Unbroken: Ending Digital Violence Against Women and Girls

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Voices Unbroken: Ending Digital Violence Against Women and Girls

By Mohamed M. Fall,

United Nations Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator in Nigeria
Women face walls every day. Walls built by history, culture, and fear. They face them in schools, offices, homes, streets, and now, in the digital world. Globally, women are still denied full access to power, education, and safety. They are underrepresented in political spaces, earn less, speak less, and lead less.
Nigeria has made strides. More women are entering politics, business, and leadership.

Opportunities are growing. Yet barriers remain. Only a small fraction of elected positions are held by women. There is work to do. The path to equality is not yet complete.
Violence is still part of many women’s lives. In Nigeria, the 2024 Demographic and Health Survey shows that 21 percent of women aged 15–49 have experienced physical or sexual violence. That is one in five women. But there is progress. Physical violence has dropped from 31 to 19 percent, sexual violence from 9 to 5 percent. Numbers alone cannot measure the pain or fear. But they do show that change is possible.

While physical violence may be slowly declining, a new threat rises. Technology-facilitated gender-based violence hides behind screens, strikes in private messages, spreads on social media, and silences women online. It blocks voices in politics. It interrupts education. It threatens livelihoods. It can even trigger harm offline.

Across Nigeria, women journalists are attacked online for asking questions. Politicians face threats for standing up. Students are shamed and humiliated. Activists are trolled and impersonated. Women at home are stalked and coerced. Cyberstalking, image-based sexual abuse, sextortion, impersonation, hate speech—all have become weapons. These are not just stories in the news. They are daily realities. Behind every number is a woman whose rights are being challenged.


Globally, 16 to 58 percent of women report experiencing digital abuse. Emerging technologies make it worse. Artificial intelligence can create deepfake pornography, identity theft, and coordinated harassment. Studies show that 90 to 95 percent of deepfake content targets women. Technology should connect us, empower us, and innovate. Instead, it is sometimes misused to deepen inequality and fear.


Even as Nigeria embraces technology, gaps remain. Cyberlaws need stronger enforcement. Digital literacy can improve. Gender biases persist. Survivors often find little recourse. Stigma, impunity, and limited justice remain challenges. Yet, positive steps exist. The Violence Against Persons (Prohibition) Act of 2015 is a foundation. Advocacy flourishes. Nigeria is building systems that protect women.


We cannot wait. Ending digital violence requires every hand, every voice, every mind.
The government must continue its leadership. Strengthen the Cybercrimes Act. Address the borderless reach of online gender-based violence. Train law enforcement to respond to digital harm. Adopt a national framework on online safety. Invest in prevention. Teach digital literacy. Include healthy online behavior in life skills education. Support community action. These measures can protect and empower women and girls.


Technology companies must also act. Make online spaces safer. Improve moderation. Be transparent. Support local languages. Adopt Safety-by-Design. Collaborate with governments and civil society. Online platforms must empower, not oppress.
Civil society, media, traditional and religious leaders, parents, and teachers all have roles.

Advocate. Raise awareness. Support survivors. Challenge harmful norms. Promote respect, consent, and digital responsibility. Young people can lead by example, modeling safe and respectful online behavior.


Every one of us can make a difference. Pause before you share. Challenge online hate. Stand up for the targeted. Speak for the silenced. Together, we can transform Nigeria’s digital spaces into places where women and girls can speak, learn, lead, and thrive.


This year’s 16 Days of Activism theme—“UNiTE! End Digital Violence against All Women and Girls”—demands action. It reminds us that online abuse is not a private problem. It is a societal challenge. Ending it is a shared responsibility. Technology must lift us, not harm us. Rights must be protected. Voices must be heard.


We know the challenges are real. Gender inequality persists. Women are underrepresented in politics. Cyberviolence is rising. But hope is real. Change is possible. Courage exists in every girl who logs on to learn. Strength exists in every woman who speaks her mind online. Resilience exists in every survivor who refuses to be silenced.


Now is the time to act. Build policies that protect. Build systems that empower. Build a society where women and girls are safe online and offline. Where technology amplifies voices instead of hiding them. Where every woman can dream, aspire, and lead without fear.


We can create that future. A future where every woman and girl is free to speak, lead, and thrive. A future where voices are unbroken.

Voices Unbroken: Ending Digital Violence Against Women and Girls

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My Public Servant Journey

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My Public Servant Journey

By Alhaji Abubakar Alhaji-Abba

Every journey begins with a single step, and mine into public service began on 22nd October 1990, when I took up an appointment at the University of Maiduguri Teaching Hospital (UMTH). At that time, I was a young man—full of ambition and determination—eager to contribute my quota to the growth of my community and my country. What I did not realize then was that this path would not only shape my career, but also mold my character, values, and outlook on life.

The Early Days

The early days were not easy. I started from the basics—handling routine administrative tasks, learning the intricacies of record-keeping, and adapting to the demanding environment of public service. It was a period that taught me patience, discipline, and humility. I quickly learned that in public service, dedication and accountability are not optional—they are the very foundation upon which trust is built.
I recall working long hours to ensure that essential records were accurate and supplies were properly managed. It wasn’t glamorous work, but it was crucial. Hospitals rely heavily on efficiency behind the scenes. Every file I handled and every item I documented could impact the quality of care delivered to patients in need.

As the years passed, I rose through the ranks. Promotions came not just as recognition, but as greater calls to commitment. Moving into supervisory and later managerial roles meant I was no longer responsible only for myself, but also for the performance and welfare of others.

Becoming Head of Department (Stores) was a defining milestone in my journey. I was entrusted with ensuring the availability and proper management of critical medical supplies. This role demanded a careful balance—ensuring accountability, minimizing wastage, and making decisions guided by both policy and ethics. It was during this phase that I fully grasped the weight of stewardship. Public service is about managing resources as if they were your own—because in truth, they belong to the people.

No journey is without its trials. The public sector in UMTH is not without its share of bureaucratic bottlenecks, resource constraints, and slow-moving systems. There were moments of frustration—delayed approvals, limited resources, or a lack of recognition.
But I learned to see these challenges as opportunities for personal and professional growth. They built in me a sense of resilience, resourcefulness, and purpose. Most importantly, they reminded me that true service is not about personal comfort, but about the collective good.

Looking back, I carry with me timeless lessons that have guided every stage of my career:

  • Integrity is priceless. In public service, honesty and transparency are the strongest currencies.
  • Service is sacrifice. It means putting the needs of others above personal convenience.
  • Leadership is responsibility. Being in charge is not about authority, but about accountability and inspiration.
  • Impact is not always visible. The value of one’s work lies in the quiet difference it makes in people’s lives, even when unrecognized.

Now, with 35 years of service behind me, I see this journey as more than just a career—it has been a life of service. A life defined by quiet but meaningful contributions to healthcare delivery, administrative efficiency, and community impact.
It is indeed a remarkable coincidence that on this very date, 22nd October 1990, I began my career in the service of UMTH—and today, 22nd October 2025, I formally retire. Exactly thirty-five (35) years of committed and honorable service.
This symbolic alignment of dates signifies not only the completion of a full circle but also a journey of unwavering dedication, growth, and fulfillment. I am deeply grateful to Almighty Allah (SWT) for His guidance and protection throughout this journey, and for granting me the grace to retire peacefully and honorably.

I am honored and fulfilled by the efforts I made and the contributions I offered—even in the face of challenges. My heartfelt prayers go to those still in service: May Allah (SWT) grant you wisdom, ease, and peace to complete your own journey with honor.
To the Management of UMTH, I offer this parting counsel:

  • Treat every member of staff with justice, fairness, and dignity.
  • Appointments and promotions should be based on merit and seniority—not favoritism, influence, or eye service.
  • Keep your promises and let honesty and transparency guide your decisions.
  • Let every staff member feel valued and motivated, and let patients feel the true presence of government through ethical, heartfelt service. Revive the ethical conduct and professionalism that once defined UMTH—a place where patients receive the best care and staff are proud to serve.

In Conclusion

Public service gave me a sense of purpose, pride, and legacy. Service does not end with retirement—it is a lifelong calling. And if I were to begin all over again, I would still choose this noble path.
Because in serving others, we find the truest meaning of life. Thank you.

Comrade Abubakar a distinguished and Meritorious Retiree of the UMTH lives in Maiduguri. He is an Administrative Veteran with Accomplished and legendary Pace setting records.

My Public Servant Journey

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