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The Mirage of Great-Power Protection: Lessons for the Sahel from Iran, Syria and Venezuela
The Mirage of Great-Power Protection: Lessons for the Sahel from Iran, Syria and Venezuela
By Oumarou Sanou
The world appears once again on edge. Tensions in the Middle East involving Iran, Israel and the United States have revived familiar questions about the limits of power, alliances, and survival in an increasingly volatile global order. Yet beyond the immediate theatre of conflict lies a deeper lesson; one that Africa, particularly the junta-led states of the Sahel, would do well to reflect upon.
Recent events in Syria and the mounting pressures faced by countries like Iran and Venezuela demonstrate a hard geopolitical truth: reliance on great powers for protection can often prove illusory. When crises escalate or strategic calculations change, even the most vocal allies may offer little more than rhetorical solidarity.
This is a reality that resonates strongly in today’s Sahel, where Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, the core of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), have pivoted sharply toward Moscow while distancing themselves from traditional Western partners and regional institutions such as ECOWAS.
There is nothing inherently wrong with sovereign nations pursuing partnerships with global powers. States must engage the world pragmatically to advance their interests. The danger arises when such alignments become ideological crusades that corner countries into rigid geopolitical camps. History suggests that when great-power rivalries intensify, smaller states risk becoming pawns rather than partners.
The experiences of Iran and Venezuela offer a cautionary example. Both countries have positioned themselves as defiant challengers to Western influence, often invoking anti-imperialist rhetoric to consolidate domestic authority. Yet when sanctions tightened and internal crises deepened, the much-touted backing of powerful allies such as Russia and China proved limited in practice. Diplomatic statements and symbolic gestures rarely translate into decisive rescue when the strategic costs are high.
In many respects, the Sahel is becoming the newest chessboard in the unfolding rivalry between Russia and the West. The region’s fragile states, struggling with terrorism, economic distress, and weak institutions, now find themselves at the intersection of competing geopolitical interests.
For the juntas governing Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, the embrace of Moscow has been framed as a break from Western paternalism. Yet the strategic risks of relying too heavily on a single external partner are significant. Unlike Iran and Venezuela, which possess vast oil resources that cushion the impact of sanctions and economic isolation, the Sahelian economies lack such buffers.
The limits of anti-Western posturing are therefore far sharper in this context. Iran and Venezuela at least had economic leverage and decades of state infrastructure before confronting global pressure. The Sahel’s military regimes do not enjoy similar advantages. Betting national stability on geopolitical confrontation without economic resilience could prove far more destabilising.
The presence of Russian-linked security contractors, from Wagner’s earlier operations to successor entities such as Redut, illustrates another dimension of the challenge. These deployments offer short-term tactical support but rarely substitute for strong national armies, effective governance, and regional cooperation. Security outsourced to foreign actors tends to be transactional rather than transformational.
Yet the deeper issue goes beyond any single partnership. Africa’s geopolitical dilemma is not simply about Russia, the West, or China. It reflects a recurring pattern in which African states seek external protectors rather than invest in internal strength.
From colonial dependency to Cold War alignments and today’s renewed great-power competition, the continent has often oscillated between competing patrons. Rejecting Western influence only to embrace Russian or Chinese influence does not constitute genuine liberation; it merely replaces one form of dependency with another.
What Africa needs instead is strategic autonomy. For the Sahel, this moment of geopolitical turbulence could become an opportunity to rethink its development trajectory. Strengthening governance, rebuilding public institutions, and addressing the root causes of insecurity: corruption, marginalisation, and economic exclusion, would offer far more durable stability than reliance on external military support.
Coups, after all, are symptoms of governance failure, not solutions to it. The region’s demographic reality makes this urgency even greater. With one of the youngest populations in the world, the Sahel cannot afford the economic stagnation that often accompanies geopolitical isolation. If instability persists, the consequences will be felt not only within the region but across West Africa and beyond through migration, economic disruption, and expanding insecurity.
A stronger African security architecture is therefore essential. The limitations exposed in ECOWAS responses, the underutilisation of the African Union’s standby mechanisms, and the fragility of regional intelligence cooperation all point to the same conclusion: Africa must build more credible collective security systems.
Equally important is the need for an assertive but balanced African foreign policy. The Sahel’s pivot toward Russia is partly a reaction against perceived Western paternalism. Yet the answer to unequal partnerships is not to substitute one patron for another. It is to negotiate from a position of confidence and independence.
Africa should engage with all global actors: East and West alike, in line with clear national and regional interests. Trade, investment, technology transfer, and security cooperation are welcome from any partner that respects African sovereignty. What should be avoided is ideological alignment that turns African states into frontline proxies in someone else’s strategic contest.
The Sahel today stands at a crossroads. Its choices will shape not only its own future but also the broader trajectory of governance and security across West Africa. If there is one lesson from Iran, Venezuela, Syria and other states caught in great-power rivalries, it is this: external patrons may offer support, but they rarely guarantee salvation. Therefore, Africa’s long-term stability will depend less on the promises of distant powers and more on the strength of its own institutions, leadership, and collective resolve.
Oumarou Sanou is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and African leadership dynamics.
Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com
The Mirage of Great-Power Protection: Lessons for the Sahel from Iran, Syria and Venezuela
News
Former Kaduna governor El-Rufai loses mother
Former Kaduna governor El-Rufai loses mother
By: Zagazola Makama
The former Governor of Kaduna State, Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai, has lost his mother, Hajiya Umma, who passed away on Friday.
The announcement of her death was announced by the Elrufai Family on Friday.
Family sources said the deceased had been battling age-related health challenges, which worsened in recent times.
According to the sources, her condition reportedly deteriorated further after she learned of the detention of her son by the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC).
They noted that El-Rufai had been closely managing his mother’s health prior to her demise.
The family prayed for Almighty Allah to forgive her shortcomings and grant her Aljannatul Firdaus.
Former Kaduna governor El-Rufai loses mother
News
NSCDC Unveils Five-Year Strategy to Strengthen National Security
NSCDC Unveils Five-Year Strategy to Strengthen National Security
By: Michael Mike
The Commandant-General of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), Abubakar Audi has unveiled a comprehensive five-year strategic roadmap aimed at strengthening national security, boosting operational efficiency and enhancing professionalism within the Corps.
Speaking at a high-level meeting with commanding officers from state formations across the country, Audi described the gathering as both “historic and strategic,” noting that it signaled the beginning of the second phase of his leadership following his reappointment.
The NSCDC boss expressed gratitude to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for approving his reappointment and to the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, for recommending him for the position.
According to him, the renewed mandate provides the opportunity to deepen reforms and reposition the Corps for greater efficiency and national relevance.
Reflecting on his previous tenure, Houdi highlighted reforms introduced to tackle internal challenges within the organisation, particularly the issue of staff stagnation that had affected morale among personnel.
He noted that his administration addressed long-standing promotion delays and salary arrears, adding that efforts were ongoing through a presidential committee responsible for settling outstanding payments across Ministries, Departments and Agencies.
The Commandant-General also underscored the importance of capacity building, revealing that the Corps had developed a standardised curriculum for its training institutions. He described the initiative as a major step toward strengthening professionalism and operational discipline within the agency.
He said more senior officers have also been sponsored to attend strategic leadership programmes, including courses at the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies (NIPSS), aimed at improving institutional leadership and policy competence.
“Training remains central to discipline, professionalism and productivity,” Houdi said, adding that the next phase of his leadership would prioritise retraining and ethical reorientation of personnel.
He also highlighted operational achievements recorded by the Corps, particularly in the fight against oil theft and illegal mining across the country.
According to him, the Corps’ Special Intelligence Squad has dismantled more than 400 illegal refineries, arrested and prosecuted over 1,000 suspects, and secured between 400 and 500 convictions.
Similarly, the Mining Marshals initiative has shut down more than 1,000 illegal mining sites nationwide and facilitated the arrest and prosecution of numerous offenders, including foreign nationals.
Audi said these achievements were made possible through collaboration with other security agencies, particularly the Nigerian Army, as well as partnerships with private sector actors.
The Corps has also expanded its operational infrastructure, with new command facilities constructed in several locations and modern surveillance and communication equipment deployed to formations across the country.
He further disclosed that the agency is establishing a hydrocarbon and maritime surveillance centre in partnership with Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited, alongside an ICT centre project expected to be completed within the next few months.
As part of the new strategy, the NSCDC will increasingly deploy advanced technologies, including artificial intelligence and drone surveillance, to enhance monitoring and protection of critical national assets.
Aidi outlined key priorities for the next five years, including strengthening discipline within the Corps, expanding training and retraining programmes, deploying modern surveillance technologies and enhancing protection of critical infrastructure.
He also announced plans to establish specialised units dedicated to safeguarding power infrastructure and tackling vandalism in the electricity sector.
The Commandant-General warned that the Corps would maintain zero tolerance for indiscipline and misconduct among personnel.
“We must restore professionalism and discipline. Any conduct outside our code will not be tolerated,” he said.
He urged officers to remain committed to protecting critical national infrastructure and to deepen intelligence sharing and collaboration with other security agencies in strengthening the country’s security architecture.
Audi challenged personnel to demonstrate the Corps’ relevance through tangible results.
“We must prove that we are ready to serve the nation with loyalty, commitment and professionalism,” he added.
NSCDC Unveils Five-Year Strategy to Strengthen National Security
News
ECOWAS Court Launches Five-Year Strategic Plan to Deepen Justice, Regional Integration
ECOWAS Court Launches Five-Year Strategic Plan to Deepen Justice, Regional Integration
By: Michael Mike
The ECOWAS Court of Justice has unveiled an ambitious five-year strategic plan designed to strengthen the rule of law, expand access to justice and deepen regional integration across West Africa.
The plan, which will run from 2026 to 2030, was officially launched on Friday in Abuja, where the leadership of the court outlined a bold vision to transform the institution into a more effective and accessible pillar of justice within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).
President of the court, Ricardo Goncalves, described the strategy as a decisive moment for the institution, saying it reflects a renewed commitment to strengthening the court’s role in safeguarding justice and promoting stability across the region.

“This moment is not merely symbolic. Above all, it represents a turning point. It is a clear affirmation of our collective resolve to strengthen the role of the Court as a guarantor of the rule of law, a promoter of justice, and a vital pillar of regional integration in West Africa,” he said.
According to him, the new strategy outlines a shared vision focused on institutional transformation, operational efficiency and measurable impact on the lives of citizens within the ECOWAS community.
Goncalves emphasised that the success of the initiative would depend on strong collaboration among judges, court staff and key regional stakeholders, stressing that each group has a critical role to play in achieving the objectives of the plan.
He charged judges of the court to reinforce the quality of jurisprudence, ensure consistency in judicial decisions and contribute to building a justice system that is accessible, timely and widely respected across member states.
The court president also highlighted the pivotal role of administrative staff, describing them as the backbone of the institution whose commitment to efficiency, case management and technical excellence would determine the effectiveness of the new framework.
Beyond internal reforms, he stressed the need for stronger partnerships with ECOWAS member states, regional institutions, legal practitioners, development partners and civil society organisations to ensure effective enforcement of court judgments and greater legal harmonisation across the region.
He noted that improved planning, transparency and a results-driven institutional culture would form the foundation of the strategy, which aims to reposition the court as a more visible and influential institution in regional governance.
In her welcome address, the Deputy Registrar of the court, Marie Saine, described the unveiling of the plan as the beginning of a renewed commitment to justice and service to the people of the ECOWAS region.
She explained that the Strategic Plan 2026–2030 was developed through extensive consultations, rigorous institutional review and forward-looking analysis to ensure that it responds effectively to emerging legal and governance challenges within West Africa.
Saine said the strategy is anchored on five key goals, including ensuring timely and impartial justice, expanding access to justice and legal empowerment, strengthening human rights protection and legal harmonisation, improving transparency and stakeholder engagement, and enhancing institutional capacity and governance.
She noted that the roadmap is both ambitious and pragmatic, providing clear priorities that will guide the court’s work over the next five years.
The ECOWAS Court of Justice serves as the judicial arm of the Economic Community of West African States, with the mandate to interpret community law, protect human rights and resolve disputes involving member states and institutions of the regional bloc.
Officials said the newly unveiled strategic framework replaces the court’s previous plan and is intended to position the institution to respond more effectively to evolving legal demands while strengthening its contribution to justice, peace and regional integration in West Africa.
ECOWAS Court Launches Five-Year Strategic Plan to Deepen Justice, Regional Integration
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