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The Sahel Descent: Illusion of Russian Mercenaries-Lessons for Nigeria and Africa

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The Sahel Descent: Illusion of Russian Mercenaries-Lessons for Nigeria and Africa

•Why Wagner betrayed Africa—and what Nigeria must learn fast.
•Russia’s mercenaries promised security. They delivered bloodshed, racism, and catastrophic failure. Now the jihadists are at the gates—and Nigeria could be next.

By Oumarou Sanou

Bamako is burning—again, and the African Union, the regional body tasked with promoting peace and security, is panicking. The capital of Mali, once a proud symbol of West African resilience, now teeters on the brink of collapse, not from foreign invasion but from jihadists who have outlasted coups, crushed alliances, and exposed the hollowness of the “sovereign security” promised by military juntas and their Russian backers. What began as a bold pledge to “restore stability and reclaim dignity” has descended into chaos, bloodshed, racism, and betrayal—the tragic proof that mercenaries cannot buy peace, and juntas cannot govern by force. The Sahel’s descent is not just Mali’s tragedy—it is a warning to Nigeria and the entire region.

When Mali’s coup leaders expelled French and UN forces and turned to Russia’s Wagner Group in 2021, they sold their citizens a dangerous illusion: that imported soldiers of fortune would succeed where legitimate institutions had failed. Three years later, the results are catastrophic. Jihadist groups are advancing toward Bamako, civilians are dying in record numbers, and the mercenaries once paraded as “liberators” have turned Mali’s soil into a graveyard of false hope.

According to conflict monitors, nearly 3,000 civilians have been killed since Wagner’s arrival—many at the hands of their supposed protectors. Entire communities have been wiped out, markets torched, and villages erased under the pretext of “counterterrorism operations.”

The recently leaked documentary March on Azawad—a chilling self-portrait of Russian mercenaries—reveals the futility and racism embedded in their operations. Wagner veterans, now safely back in Russia, describe Malian soldiers as “cowards” and “thieves,” mocking the very people they were paid to defend. Their disdain echoes the systemic racism of Russian society, where ethnic minorities are treated as expendable cannon fodder. These mercenaries, steeped in bigotry and violence, brought to Africa not solidarity, but supremacy — the same dehumanising ideology that drives their atrocities in Ukraine, Libya, and now the Sahel.

The brutality Wagner displays toward African civilians is not aberrational—it is a feature, not a bug. These mercenaries carry to Africa the same racism they practice at home against ethnic minorities in Russia’s own territories. In Chechnya, Dagestan, and other non-Russian regions, minorities face systemic discrimination, violence, and marginalisation. When these fighters arrive in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, they bring that contempt with them.

Their crimes are well-documented. In Moura, central Mali, at least 500 civilians were massacred in a single operation in March 2022. Men were executed, women assaulted, and children mutilated—atrocities gleefully shared in private Wagner Telegram channels like “White Uncles in Africa +18”, where mercenaries celebrated their brutality with the depraved language of white supremacy. To them, African civilians and terrorists were indistinguishable—both expendable, both “sand people.” This is not counterterrorism. It is a campaign of dehumanisation.

Behind Wagner’s bloody record lies a simple motive: profit. The mercenaries did not come for Pan-African solidarity; they came for gold. Mali pays Wagner not only in cash but in mineral concessions—trading sovereignty for survival. One mercenary admits in the documentary that recovering and seizing gold mines was part of their operational “successes.” They looted everything: motorcycles, trucks, excavation equipment. Mali’s resources now flow to Moscow, while its people bleed in silence.

What began as a “security partnership” quickly degenerated into an extractive occupation. Wagner’s recklessness and racial contempt alienated communities, fractured the Malian army, and emboldened jihadists. The July 2024 defeat at Tinzawaten, where 84 Russian mercenaries died alongside dozens of Malian troops, was not an exception—it was the predictable outcome of arrogance and incompetence. The withdrawal of Wagner and its rebranding as “Africa Corps” in 2025 has done little to stem the tide. Today, Bamako stands at the edge of jihadist capture.

The implications for West Africa—and especially Nigeria—are profound. Insecurity in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger does not remain contained; it metastasises. Jihadist groups like JNIM and ISGS have expanded their operations southward, exploiting porous borders, ungoverned spaces, and weak regional coordination. Refugees fleeing the Sahel are already straining Nigeria’s northern communities, while arms trafficking and extremist propaganda infiltrate the hinterland and towns. The possible fall of Bamako would open another corridor of terror stretching from the Maghreb to the Gulf of Guinea—an arc of instability that could engulf the entire subregion. This underscores the need for robust international collaboration in addressing the crisis.

Nigeria must heed this warning with urgency and clarity.

Unlike Mali’s junta, Nigeria has—so far—resisted the temptation of outsourcing its sovereignty to foreign mercenaries. This path has been slow, imperfect, and riddled with challenges, but it is fundamentally different. They have so far relied on their national forces, accountable—however imperfectly—to the constitution, and also engage regional structures such as ECOWAS and the Multinational Joint Task Force, a collaborative security initiative involving several African countries. Nigeria collaborate internationally while preserving national agency.
This is the only sustainable route to lasting peace.

But Nigeria must not grow complacent. Their military architecture still faces serious weaknesses—underfunding, corruption, rights abuses, and inadequate intelligence coordination. Reform is not optional; it is urgent. The country needs a people-centred security strategy built on trust, legitimacy, and professionalism. That means investing in their troops, strengthening community-based intelligence, enhancing regional cooperation, and tackling the root causes that jihadists exploit: poverty, exclusion, and bad governance.

For the rest of Africa, the lesson from the Sahel is brutally clear: mercenaries do not save nations—they strip them bare. Authoritarian juntas that cloak repression in “sovereignty” only invite further collapse. Imported guns or imperial contracts cannot secure Africa’s stability. It must be built through accountable institutions, regional solidarity, and the courage to confront our internal failings head-on.

Mali’s tragedy is a mirror. It shows what happens when desperation replaces strategy, and when sovereignty becomes a slogan for repression. The fall of Bamako—if it happens—will not just be Mali’s failure; it will be a continental warning. Nigeria must learn, act, and lead—because in today’s Sahel, those who chase shortcuts to security end up losing both peace and power.

Oumarou Sanou is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and the evolving dynamics of African leadership. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com

The Sahel Descent: Illusion of Russian Mercenaries-Lessons for Nigeria and Africa

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Troops clear ISWAP enclaves, recover arms, neutralise IEDs in Borno

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Troops clear ISWAP enclaves, recover arms, neutralise IEDs in Borno

By: Zagazola Makama

Troops of Joint Task Force (North East), Operation Hadin Kai (OPHK), have intensified offensive operations against Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) elements, clearing multiple terrorist enclaves in the Kashimori axis of Borno State and recovering arms, logistics and improvised explosive devices (IEDs).

Sources told Zagazola Makama that the operation was conducted in the early hours of Feb. 2, 2026, under Operation Desert Sanity, with troops of 21 Special Armoured Brigade (SAB) operating in conjunction with volunteer forces.

The sources said the troops carried out a coordinated clearance of several ISWAP hideouts clustered around the Kashimori area, spanning multiple locations within Guzamala axis, following actionable intelligence on terrorist presence and logistics activity.

According to the sources, although the enclaves were active prior to the operation, the terrorists abandoned their positions before the arrival of troops, apparently fleeing on sensing the advancing force.

“During the clearance operations, troops destroyed terrorist life-support structures across the enclaves and recovered one motorcycle, one tricycle, five AK-47 magazines and five terrorist flags,” the sources stated.

It added that two IEDs were discovered at separate locations during the operation and were safely detonated in situ by an Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) team, while one unprimed IED was recovered intact.

The military said the operation was executed across difficult terrain, with troops encountering significant mobility challenges due to sandy soil conditions and mechanical faults affecting several vehicles and motorcycles.

Despite the constraints, the troops successfully completed the mission objectives and later harboured at Forward Operating Base (FOB) Kawuri without casualty.

The sustained pressure was being maintained on terrorist elements to deny them freedom of movement, logistics corridors and safe havens.

Operation Hadin Kai has in recent weeks intensified clearance and domination patrols as part of efforts to degrade ISWAP and Boko Haram remnants, disrupt their IED networks and prevent regrouping ahead of the dry season movement window.

Troops clear ISWAP enclaves, recover arms, neutralise IEDs in Borno

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NSCDC Launches Gender Policy II to Deepen Inclusive Security Delivery

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NSCDC Launches Gender Policy II to Deepen Inclusive Security Delivery

By: Michael Mike

The Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) has unveiled its Gender Policy II, reinforcing its commitment to inclusive, people-centred security delivery and institutional professionalism.

The policy was launched on Tuesday in Abuja at an event that brought together senior government officials, security sector leaders, development partners and civil society organisations.

Speaking at the ceremony, the Commandant General of the NSCDC, Prof. Ahmed Audi, described inclusivity as a critical pillar for building a credible and effective security institution. He said the new policy reflects the Corps’ determination to align its operations with global standards while supporting national security priorities.

Audi, who represented the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, explained that Gender Policy II is designed to strengthen the Corps’ institutional capacity, enhance operational performance and ensure that personnel carry out their duties with professionalism, dignity and respect for human rights.

According to him, embedding gender responsiveness in security operations will improve service delivery, promote accountability and foster public trust, particularly among vulnerable and underserved communities.

Participants at the event, which was supported by UKFIDO and SPRING, highlighted the importance of inclusive security frameworks in safeguarding citizens and advancing social justice. Speakers noted that policies which promote equity and participation contribute significantly to effective law enforcement and national stability.

The launch of Gender Policy II also reaffirms the NSCDC’s commitment to the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security. Observers described the policy as a major milestone in the Corps’ ongoing efforts to institutionalise inclusivity, equity and professionalism across its operations nationwide.

NSCDC Launches Gender Policy II to Deepen Inclusive Security Deliver

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Special Seat Is Democratic: NASS Urged to Pass Bill

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Special Seat Is Democratic: NASS Urged to Pass Bill

Austin Aigbe FSM
Gender Rights Advocate

In the aftermath of Nigeria’s 2019 general elections, I sat with a heavy heart and a clear conclusion: affirmative action legislation is essential to address the stark underrepresentation of women in Nigeria’s political leadership. Despite women making up nearly half of Nigeria’s population, they occupy less than 5 per cent of seats in the National Assembly, underscoring a civic duty to effect change.

As the then Secretary of the National Coalition of Affirmative Action (NCAA) in my state, I worked alongside visionary women such as the late Oby Nwankwo, who helped lead the national gender equality architecture, as well as Hajia Saudatu Mandi and Dr Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi, among others. Together, we pushed for the full domestication of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), culminating in the proposed Gender and Equal Opportunity (GEO) Bill. Yet, since 2007, that bill has languished in the National Assembly, stalled by political resistance and cultural pushback.

Now, the Special Seats Bill offers a breakthrough. It is not a compromise—it is a resolution. It responds to criticisms of the GEO Bill by focusing on representation rather than just rights. It proposes additional seats in the Senate, House of Representatives, and State Houses of Assembly, to be contested exclusively by women, without reducing existing seats or threatening incumbents. It is a democratic innovation, not a disruption.

Why Special Seats Matter

The argument is simple: democracy must reflect the people. If half of the population is excluded from decision-making, democracy remains incomplete. Special seats are not about tokenism; they are about correcting structural imbalances. Sierra Leone, for example, passed the Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment (GEWE) Act in 2022, addressing gender gaps by increasing women’s representation in decision-making, improving access to finance and employment, and promoting equal opportunities in education and training. Other countries, including Rwanda, Senegal, and South Africa, have used constitutional and legislative measures to advance gender parity. Nigeria should no longer lag.

The Special Seats Bill also directly addresses the barriers women face when contesting elections:

Violence and intimidation, particularly during party primaries.
The monetisation of politics disadvantages women with fewer financial resources.
Patriarchal party structures that sideline women during candidate selection.
By creating a guaranteed pathway, the bill enables women to enter the political space, build experience, and eventually compete for general seats on a more equal footing.

The Human Cost of Delay

Every election cycle without reform is a missed opportunity. In 2023, only 3.6 per cent of those elected to the National Assembly were women; it is not merely a statistic; it represents hundreds of capable women denied a voice. It reflects the silencing of perspectives on maternal health, education, gender-based violence, and economic inclusion.

I have previously supported interventions aimed at strengthening the capacity of women candidates—many of whom were more qualified than their male opponents but were pushed aside by party gatekeepers. I have seen communities rally behind women leaders, only to be told they are “not electable.” The Special Seats Bill is a lifeline for these women—and for the communities they seek to represent.

A Call to the National Assembly

The National Assembly has a patriotic duty to pass this bill now, as it directly impacts Nigeria’s democratic future and inclusivity.

Nigeria’s lawmakers must rise above partisan interests and act in the national interest. The bill has reached its final stage of legislative consideration. The time to act is now—before the 2027 elections are upon us.

Conclusion: Democracy Is Representation

The Special Seats Bill is a vital democratic correction that ensures equal participation and opportunity, enabling meaningful change.

Let us not wait another decade. Let us not mourn another election cycle defined by exclusion. Let us pass the Special Seats Bill—and finally make democracy whole.

Special Seat Is Democratic: NASS Urged to Pass Bill

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