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Three women killed as Bachama–Tsobo crisis resurfaces in Adamawa
Three women killed as Bachama–Tsobo crisis resurfaces in Adamawa
By: Zagazola Makama
The killing of three Tsobo women on a dry season rice farm in Numan Local Government Area has reignited the Bachama–Chobo conflict, whose roots stretch far beyond the sound of gunfire.
Zagazola Makama report that the latest incident occurred on Friday at about 10:30 a.m. while some Tsobo women were working on their dry-season rice farm. Sources said that suspected Bachama youths stormed the farming area in large numbers and began shooting sporadically. In the process, three women were shot dead,” the source said.
The killing of the three Tsobo women on a dry-season rice farm in Numan is not an isolated tragedy. It is the latest expression of a conflict whose roots lie far deeper than gunshots, farmlands or a single failed peace meeting.
The Bachama–Chobo crisis is a classic Nigerian communal conflict, layered, historical, emotional and politically combustible where land ownership, identity, chieftaincy authority and generational amnesia have fused into a dangerous cocktail.
At its core, the crisis is not merely about who owns which farmland. It is about who belongs, who rules, and who decides the future of a shared space. For centuries, Bachama and Chobo communities lived together in Numan and its environs under a largely harmonious arrangement. Markets were shared. Water points were communal. Schools, hospitals and even marriages crossed ethnic lines. There was no rigid separation between “host” and “settler” in daily life.
That coexistence was sustained not by written treaties or court judgments, but by social contracts rooted in tradition, mutual respect and the authority of traditional institutions. Disputes over land were settled locally. Authority was recognised, even if grudgingly. Peace endured because both sides saw coexistence as more valuable than confrontation.
What has changed is not history but how history is interpreted, weaponised and transmitted to younger generations. The Bachama and Chobo tell fundamentally different origin stories, and each story carries political implications.
The Chobo present themselves as original inhabitants, landlords who accommodated Bachama migrants out of goodwill. From this perspective, the Bachama are “guests” who have overstayed their welcome and now seek to dominate both land and chieftaincy.
The Bachama counter this narrative by portraying the Chobo as mountain dwellers who were encouraged to descend into the plains, settled and supported through leased farmlands. In this account, Bachama authority is not imposed but historically earned.
Neither narrative is neutral. Each defines who has moral legitimacy, who should defer, and who has the right to rule. Once such narratives harden, compromise becomes betrayal and dialogue becomes surrender.
Investigations and community testimonies consistently point to farmland disputes involving Waduku and Rigange as the immediate triggers of violence. But land is only the spark, not the fuel. Land disputes in Nigeria rarely remain about boundaries alone. They quickly evolve into questions of identity and power, especially where farming is the primary means of survival.
For Chobo communities described as largely mountain dwellers, access to fertile plains is existential. For Bachama communities, control of land reinforces political and traditional dominance. Once farming rights are framed as existential threats, moderation disappears.
Historically, traditional rulers resolved such disputes. Today, that mechanism is broken.
The Chobo’s rejection of traditional mediation stems from their perception that the entire traditional hierarchy is Bachama-dominated, making justice structurally impossible. From their standpoint, accepting verdicts from Bachama-led institutions amounts to legitimising subordination.
The Bachama, however, see this rejection as bad faith and intransigence, especially when mediation panels include Chobo representatives. Each side believes the other is deliberately undermining peace. This mutual distrust has hollowed out traditional conflict-resolution systems, leaving a vacuum filled by courts, security forces and increasingly youth militancy.
Perhaps the most dangerous element in the crisis is generational. Older community leaders remember coexistence. Younger actors remember grievance. Many of today’s youths were born into suspicion, not solidarity. They inherited anger without inheriting context.
Slogans like “Sokoto must go” illustrate how historical migration narratives are simplified into political weapons. Such rhetoric does not seek negotiation; it seeks erasure. Once a community is told it must “return” after centuries of settlement, violence becomes not only possible but, to some, justified. Social media, music and street mobilisation have amplified these sentiments, weakening elders’ authority and making youth groups de facto power brokers.
The chieftaincy question has transformed the conflict from communal disagreement into a struggle over sovereignty. Bachama leaders insist that Chobo fall under the statutory authority of the Hamma Bachama. Chobo leaders reject this, seeing it as symbolic domination. Withdrawal of allegiance was not merely cultural, it was political defiance.
Peace talks collapsed largely because reconciliation was framed as submission rather than coexistence. Apologies demanded, loyalties reaffirmed and conditions imposed turned dialogue into a zero-sum contest. In conflicts of identity, dignity often matters more than land.
The Adamawa State Government, through peace agencies and direct intervention by Gov. Ahmadu Umar Fintiri, has made sustained efforts to mediate between the warring communities. Multiple meetings involving elders, youth representatives, traditional rulers and government officials have been held. Yet, each round of talks has ended without lasting agreement, often undermined by fresh outbreaks of violence shortly after. Curfews and security deployments have restored temporary calm, but residents say such measures amount to enforced silence rather than genuine peace.
The renewed violence has taken a heavy toll on civilians, particularly women engaged in farming and trading.
Community leaders lament that farms and markets once symbols of shared livelihood have become theatres of bloodshed. The killing of women working on rice farms has deepened fears and resentment, reinforcing the sense that the conflict has spiralled beyond control. The Bachama–Chobo crisis mirrors broader challenges across Nigeria, where disputes over land, identity and traditional authority intersect with weak dispute-resolution mechanisms and rising youth radicalisation.
Until issues of legitimacy, land access and historical grievances are addressed through an inclusive and neutral process, observers warn that violence will continue to recur.
End
News
Ogwashi-Uku Palace Attack Trial: Gunshot Victim Identifies Mike Nwaukoni As Ringleader As Multiple Witnesses Place Defendants At Scene With Weapons
Ogwashi-Uku Palace Attack Trial: Gunshot Victim Identifies Mike Nwaukoni As Ringleader As Multiple Witnesses Place Defendants At Scene With Weapons
Ogwashi-Uku Palace Attack Trial: Gunshot Victim Identifies Nwaukoni As Ringleader As Multiple Witnesses Place Defendants At Scene With Weapons
Fresh revelations emerged at the Federal High Court, Asaba, as the trial over the October 12, 2023 terrorist-style attack on the Palace of the Obi of Ogwashi-Uku resumed, with witnesses giving direct, consistent, and corroborated testimony identifying Mr Mike Nwaukoni as the principal actor who led an armed mob to the palace, resulting in gunfire, injuries, and destruction of property.
On Tuesday, January 13, the court heard the gripping testimony of PW2, Mr Lawrence Obasi, an Otulu vigilante who sustained gunshot injuries that left his right arm paralysed for months.
PW2 told the court that he was officially deployed alongside the police to protect the palace on the day of the attack, having undergone formal vigilante training by the police two years earlier. According to him, Mike Nwaukoni personally led a large mob armed with dangerous weapons to the palace gate at Ogbe-Nti.
He testified that despite clear warnings and instructions from the Divisional Police Officer and the police commander at the scene, the mob—acting on Nwaukoni’s direct encouragement—attempted to forcibly break into the palace.
“He told them to break the gate and said he had money to take care of anything that happened,” the witness told the court.
Moments later, gunshots rang out.
PW2 narrated how armed supporters opened fire, damaging police and vigilante vehicles and hitting him with live ammunition as he sought cover inside one of the vehicles. He positively identified Elue Adigwe and Francis Okolie as being present at the scene and fully armed.
His account directly corroborated the earlier testimony of PW1, the police commander who had testified last year that Mike Nwaukoni personally led the armed crowd, stressing that no police officer accompanied the mob and that it was not a lawful procession but an armed attack.
The police commander had also told the court that Nwaukoni had invited him and the DPO to his residence days before his testimony in what observers concluded was an attempt to obstruct justice by getting him to stop his testimony scheduled for the next week.
THIRD WITNESS CONFIRMS IDENTITIES, WEAPONS, AND HISTORY OF VIOLENCE
On Wednesday, PW3, Mr Emeka Nwaolisa, a palace vigilante, took the stand and reinforced the prosecution’s case, confirming the identity of the same defendants, their presence at the palace gate, and the use of offensive weapons during the attack.
PW3 testified that he was stationed at the locked palace gate when over 200 persons marched toward the palace, among them Mike Nwaukoni, Elue Adigwe, Francis Okolie, and others. He stated that on Nwaukoni’s orders, gunfire erupted as the mob attempted to force entry, leading to chaos and injuries.
During cross-examination, PW3 also revealed that Eugene Ojo Izediunor had previously boasted at a public drinking spot that he used money to “settle” his way out of an earlier case, a conversation witnessed by multiple persons.
He further told the court that the defendants had a long-standing history of orchestrated violence and unrest aimed at destabilising the community and undermining the traditional institution.
SPIN FAILS TO DENT CORE FACTS
While defence counsels consisting of four senior advocates attempted to divert attention to procedural arguments and minor inconsistencies, the central facts remained unshaken:
• Multiple eyewitnesses independently identified the same defendants
• Weapons were present and used
• Gunshots were fired
• A vigilante suffered gunshot injuries
• Vehicles were damaged
• The palace came under armed siege
The court admitted two statements made by PW3 as exhibits and adjourned the matter to April 21 and 22, 2026, with the trial set to continue.
The five defendants—Mike Nwaukoni, Elue Adigwe, Francis Okolie, Eugene Ojo Izediunor, and John Nwona—were all present in court.
As proceedings continue, the testimony so far paints a clear, consistent, and deeply troubling picture of a coordinated armed assault on a traditional institution, now firmly laid before the court under oath.
News
Armed bandits kill man, abduct nine in macitta village, niger state
Armed bandits kill man, abduct nine in macitta village, niger state
By: Zagazola Makama
Nine people were abducted and one man killed when armed bandits attacked Macitta village in Mariga Local Government Area (LGA) of Niger State late Wednesday night, sources confirmed.
Sources said that around 11:30 p.m., a large group of armed bandits entered the community via Kotonkoro District, shooting sporadically. One of the residents, Aliyu Dan Tsohon Soja, 35, was shot dead during the attack. The identities of the nine abducted victims are yet to be confirmed.
Security forces , local vigilantes, and hunters were mobilized to the area, and the body of the deceased was evacuated to the General Hospital, Bangi, for autopsy. Efforts are ongoing to track down the attackers and ensure the safe rescue of the kidnapped individuals.
Authorities have urged residents to remain alert and report any information that may assist in the rescue operations and apprehension of the bandits.
Armed bandits kill man, abduct nine in macitta village, niger state
News
Three children die in bush fire while grazing cattle in Mokwa, Niger state
Three children die in bush fire while grazing cattle in Mokwa, Niger state
By: Zagazola Makama
Three children lost their lives after being engulfed by fire while grazing cattle in Tungan-Noma village, Mokwa Local Government Area (LGA) of Niger State on Wednesday, sources confirmed.
According to sources, the children Huzairu (12), Aliru (11), and Kabiru Surajo (12) went out for cattle grazing around 12:30 p.m. and entered a deep gully in the bush.
They reportedly set dried grasses on fire in an attempt to trap small bush animals. Unfortunately, the flames spread rapidly, trapping the children and preventing their escape.
The lifeless bodies were recovered and evacuated to the General Hospital, Mokwa, for autopsy. Authorities visited the scene to assess the circumstances surrounding the tragedy.
The incident draw attention to the dangers children face in rural areas, particularly when engaging in outdoor activities without supervision.
Parents have been urged to exercise caution and ensure children’s safety during such activities.
Three children die in bush fire while grazing cattle in Mokwa, Niger state
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