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Tuareg Rebels and JNIM: A New Strategic Alliance in Mali?

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Tuareg Rebels and JNIM: A New Strategic Alliance in Mali?

By: Zagazola Makama

Mali stands at a critical turning point as fresh negotiations between the Tuareg rebels of northern Mali and the al-Qaeda-affiliated Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) gain momentum. According to sources close to both groups, these talks represent a significant shift in strategy that could fundamentally reshape the security and political landscape of the Sahel.

For the Tuareg rebels, these negotiations are a response to Mali’s recent national consultations, which called for dialogue with jihadist groups but excluded northern armed factions from the process. Additionally, Tuareg leaders argue that grassroots communities who have been caught in the crossfire of the ongoing conflict are pushing for a settlement to avoid further bloodshed.

On the other hand, the rebels say they are keen to avoid the mistakes of 2012, when the Tuareg-led National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) initially seized control of northern Mali, only to be overpowered by jihadist forces, leading to a rapid escalation of violence and the subsequent 2013 French military intervention.

A Shift in JNIM’s Strategy

A key factor encouraging the Tuareg rebels to engage in talks is the shifting approach of JNIM itself. Over the years, the group has evolved in its tactics, messaging, and governance strategy. Unlike the extremist brutality displayed in 2012, JNIM has refined its policies, making it a more pragmatic and structured insurgency.

According to sources close to the Tuareg rebels, JNIM’s leadership began reassessing its position following the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan. The Taliban’s ability to consolidate power while maintaining Afghanistan’s territorial integrity served as a model. Additionally, recent jihadist dynamics in Syria further influenced JNIM’s approach, leading to a reconsideration of its long-term objectives in Mali.

Statements from key JNIM figures, including Amadou Koufa, leader of Katiba Macina, and Jafar Dicko, head of JNIM operations in Burkina Faso, indicate a growing willingness to compromise. Their recent declarations have emphasized political and governance issues rather than outright military conquest.

Most notably, a recent JNIM communiqué framed the military juntas in the region as obstacles to regional stability. The statement called for international intervention against these governments, signaling that JNIM sees an opportunity to reposition itself as a legitimate actor rather than a purely insurgent force.

This convergence of interests between Tuareg rebels and JNIM has laid the groundwork for negotiations, with both sides willing to soften their positions for mutual benefit.

Key Points of Negotiation

JNIM sources have confirmed that discussions are ongoing, with a primary focus on governance and the role of Sharia law. Historically, one of the main points of contention between the two factions has been JNIM’s strict interpretation of Islamic law, which led to the breakdown of their alliance in 2012.

However, the current negotiations propose a new governance model in which Sharia law would be implemented at the local level, but administered by community-based religious authorities rather than JNIM operatives. This compromise, according to sources, has been accepted by JNIM’s leadership.

Another major shift is JNIM’s perspective on Mali’s territorial integrity. Rather than supporting the Tuareg rebels’ long-standing push for an independent Azawad, JNIM has reportedly argued that regional and international actors would be more likely to tolerate an Islamic governance structure within a unified Mali rather than outright secession.

JNIM’s ability to convince Tuareg leaders to focus on governing northern Mali rather than seeking full independence represents a major ideological shift. The jihadist group is prepared to support Tuareg fighters in taking control of key territories, but with the understanding that these areas would be governed under an Islamic framework rather than an independent Tuareg state.

A New Governance Model for Northern Mali?

Sources close to JNIM say that if the alliance moves forward, the group is ready to coordinate and administer territories alongside Tuareg rebels. However, lessons from the 2012 conflict have prompted a change in strategy.

Rather than raising the black flag of al-Qaeda over captured cities a move that led to international military intervention in the past—JNIM plans to allow Tuareg governance structures to manage administrative affairs. This means that while JNIM would retain influence, it would avoid direct control over urban areas, instead allowing local Tuareg leadership to take the forefront.

Such a strategy could serve multiple purposes: Reducing the risk of foreign military intervention by keeping governance in the hands of local Tuareg leaders, JNIM would present a less overt threat to international powers. Legitimizing its role in Mali’s political landscape rather than being seen purely as an extremist group, JNIM could position itself as a political and security partner in the region. Avoiding the mistakes of 2012 The rapid downfall of the Tuareg rebellion in 2012 was largely due to its inability to maintain control. By working together with the rebels rather than sidelining them, JNIM aims to ensure a more sustainable presence.

The Question of Al-Qaeda Affiliation

One of the most sensitive aspects of the negotiations revolves around JNIM’s relationship with al-Qaeda’s central command. According to sources, there is ongoing internal debate about whether the group should formally distance itself from al-Qaeda.

For JNIM leaders, the question is not just ideological but also strategic. Some within the group believe that dissociating from al-Qaeda could open doors to direct negotiations with Western governments. Others argue that such a move would require religious justification, possibly linked to a major political development such as the formal independence of Azawad or the collapse of the Malian government in Bamako.

Interestingly, sources indicate that JNIM is more willing to negotiate its future with Western powers directly rather than through Tuareg intermediaries. The concern within JNIM is that Tuareg leaders could use any potential al-Qaeda split as leverage in their own diplomatic engagements with France and other international actors.

Conclusion: A Game-Changer for Mali?

If these negotiations result in a formal agreement, the implications for Mali and the wider Sahel could be profound. A coordinated Tuareg-JNIM alliance would not only reshape local power dynamics but could also alter the trajectory of jihadist movements across West Africa.

The shift in JNIM’s strategy from ideological extremism to pragmatic governance signals a broader recalibration of jihadist operations in the region. Whether this shift leads to long-term stability or another round of conflict remains to be seen.

What is clear, however, is that Mali’s security landscape is on the brink of another transformation one that could redefine the balance of power in the Sahel for years to come.

Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad Region

Tuareg Rebels and JNIM: A New Strategic Alliance in Mali?

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Indian expatriates’ driver drowns at Tarkwa-Bay beach in Lagos

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Indian expatriates’ driver drowns at Tarkwa-Bay beach in Lagos

By: Zagazola Makama

A Nigerian driver identified simply as Kingsley has been declared missing after drowning in the sea at Tarkwa-Bay beach, Lagos, during a leisure trip with two Indian nationals on Monday.

Police sources told Zagazola Makama that two Indian expatriates, attached to the Dangote Company in Lekki, reported the incident at the Tarkwa-Bay Police Division.

They stated that the incident occurred around 4:00 p.m. on Sunday when their driver, who conveyed them to the beach for relaxation, entered the water and got swept away by strong currents.

“All efforts to recover his body proved abortive,” a police source said.

Police detectives from the division later visited the scene, and efforts were ongoing to locate and retrieve the body of the deceased driver.

The identity of the victim was yet to be fully established as only his first name was known at the time of the report.

Indian expatriates’ driver drowns at Tarkwa-Bay beach in Lagos

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Catholic community lauds DSS, Army for rescuing kidnapped priest, 32 others in Zamfara

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Catholic community lauds DSS, Army for rescuing kidnapped priest, 32 others in Zamfara

By: Zagazola Makama

The Catholic community in Nigeria and beyond has commended the Department of State Services (DSS) and the Nigerian Army for their successful rescue of Reverend Father Alphonsus Afina and several other kidnap victims held by Boko Haram insurgents and criminal gangs.

Zagazola Malama reports that Rev. Fr. Afina, a Nigerian priest who served in the Archdiocese of Anchorage in Alaska, U.S., from 2017 until 2024, was abducted on June 1, 2025, while traveling along the Liman Kara–Gwoza Road in Gwoza Local Government Area of Borno State.

The priest, alongside 10 women, was rescued on Monday during a coordinated security operation by DSS operatives in Borno, with tactical support from troops of the Nigerian Army.
No ransom was paid for the release of the captives.

In a statement on Tuesday, the Catholic Bishop of Maiduguri Diocese, Most Rev. John Bakeni, hailed the professionalism, gallantry, and intelligence-led approach of the DSS and military forces involved in the operation.

Bakeni, who also serves as Chairman of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) in Borno State, described the rescue as “a moment of profound relief and joy for the Church and all lovers of peace and justice.”

“The news of Fr. Afina’s rescue after nearly two months in captivity brought immense joy to the Catholic community, both in Nigeria and abroad,” Bakeni said.

He revealed that Fr. Afina was on his way from Mubi in Adamawa State to Maiduguri when insurgents ambushed his convoy near a military checkpoint. The attackers reportedly launched a rocket-propelled grenade at one of the vehicles, killing one passenger and abducting others.

The bishop called for continued collaboration between security agencies and communities to defeat insurgency and other threats to national peace.

Meanwhile, the DSS in Zamfara State, in a similar joint operation with Nigerian Army troops, rescued 32 kidnap victims from the Shinkafi axis of the state.

Security sources Zagazola that the victims, comprising 27 women and five boys, had spent between two and four months in captivity.

The victims were reportedly rescued from makeshift camps hidden in forested areas and were later handed over to the Zamfara State Government for medical attention and documentation.

The dual rescue operations reflect growing inter-agency cooperation in Nigeria’s ongoing war against terrorism and armed banditry.

Catholic community lauds DSS, Army for rescuing kidnapped priest, 32 others in Zamfara

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About 3.7 million People Face Food Insecurity in Nigeria’s Northeast- ICRC Laments

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About 3.7 million People Face Food Insecurity in Nigeria’s Northeast- ICRC Laments

By: Michael Mike

The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has decried that across conflict-affected areas of northeast Nigeria, more than 3.7 million people face food insecurity.

It stated that many of them are farmers who once nourished their communities, but years of conflict have displaced families, restricted their access to farmland and disrupted local food production.

According to a statement by ICRC, a community leader in Dikwa, Modu Umar said: “Right now, we face severe food shortages,” adding that some families are forced to walk long distances every day to collect firewood to sell, just to afford food.

“Farming is the only solution to hunger,”

In some communities, insecurity severely limits farmers’ movements. “Some people trek three hours to reach their farms,” a 70-year-old farmer Churi Ibrahim from Gajibo said.

He added that: “By the time you reach your farm, you’re already exhausted, and when you return home, it’s late.”

Despite these challenges, farmers persist. “Even when you’re afraid, you have to go,” said Bintu Konto, a mother of five, insisting that: “If you don’t farm during the rainy season, you’ll have nothing to eat.”

As the lean season begins and food stocks dwindle, the pressure is mounting. “This is when households must start purchasing food, but many conflict-affected families can’t afford much,” Diana Japaridze,
Head of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) office in Maiduguri, said.

She added that: “They’re forced to
drastically limit their intake.”

The ICRC lamented that food insecurity is also fueling malnutrition, especially among children under five and pregnant or
breastfeeding women.

In response, the ICRC supports malnutrition stabilization centres as well as
community education to help families care for vulnerable children; to help address these challenges and promote long-term resilience, the ICRC has initiated an
agricultural assistance programme that supports both rainy and dry season farming.

This year, more than 21,000 farming households have received seeds tailored to local conditions, along with seed
planting tools to reduce labour burdens and improve efficiency.

According to the statement, the support includes both field crops and vegetables, such as rice, maize, tomato and okra, contributing to greater dietary diversity and nutritional value. Farmers are also trained in sustainable farming practices, helping to build local capacity and ensure they can continue even when the ICRC leaves.

It stated that at a systemic level, and in partnership with the National Agricultural Seed Council (NASC), the ICRC also recently completed repairs to a key a water source, ensuring continuous water access for the council’s seed testing and greenhouse facilities.

It said nevertheless, the lean season in particular constitutes a significant challenge for the many farmers who cannot produce enough food for their families.“For a large family like mine, sometimes, we don’t even get one meal a day,” a farmer, Churi Ibrahim said.

About 3.7 million People Face Food Insecurity in Nigeria’s Northeast- ICRC Laments

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