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We are Not at War with Niger, Nigeriens- ECOWAS
We are Not at War with Niger, Nigeriens- ECOWAS
By: Michael Mike
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has said the plan military action in Niger is not a war on the country or its people but to give them back the good they deserved.
Speaking at a press conference on Friday, the President of the ECOWAS Commission, Omar Alieu Touray said that the regional bloc has not taken and would never take any action against the interest of Niger.
He said: “We would like to use the opportunity to reassure the good people of Niger Republic that our major concern is for their welfare as we work assiduously to restore civilian rule and political stability in the country, and indeed in the other ECOWAS Member States currently under military rule, in the spirit of solidarity and collective security which is at the heart of our integration agenda.”
Touray lamented that: “Coup d’etat is a tragedy for our regional efforts at consolidating democracy after the political crises of the 90’s exemplified by the civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone. Through collective efforts of our community, the region was stabilized and the foundation for democracy and the rule of law restored.
“Indeed, until about three years ago, all leaders in the ECOWAS region were democratically elected. Unfortunately, the ill winds of coups started blowing again recently and the region has experienced three successful coups and two failed coups. The current development in the Republic of Niger adds to the list of attempted coups d’état in the region. So, you can understand why the Heads of State and Government have decided that this is one coup too many and resolved that it was time to end the contagion. The situation in the Republic of Niger is particularly unfortunate as it comes at a time the country is doing comparatively well in terms of security and economic growth.”
Justifying the decision on the planned deployment of the standby force, Touray said: “The ECOWAS security architecture, which has informed other security arrangements within and outside the region, is anchored on a number of instruments. These include the 1991 ECOWAS Declaration of Political Principles; the Revised ECOWAS Treaty of 1993, the 1999 ECOWAS Protocol relating to the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security as well as the 2001 Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance.
“The deployment of the ECOWAS Standby force is provided for in the 1999 Mechanism. Specifically, Article 25 expressly stipulates the conditions for the deployment of such a force. Among other conditions, the article provides that the force can be deployed ‘in the event of… an overthrow or an attempted overthrow of a democratically elected government.’ Furthermore, the Supplementary Act of 2012 also provides for sanctions to be invoked against members that fail to honour their obligations to ECOWAS. It also provides for the use of legitimate force in the restoration of constitutional order. Niger Republic is a signatory to all these instruments. Those who challenge the legality of the decision of ECOWAS Heads of State need to do more research.”
He explained that: “In taking its decision of 30th July and 10th August 2023, the Authority of Heads of State and government was only activating these provisions. Unfortunately, this decision has been taken out of context and repeatedly misrepresented in the media as a declaration of war against Niger Republic or a planned invasion of the country. It is even tragic that some influential persons in the Community have promoted this narrative which has been hyped in the social media as the gospel truth. These persons have conveniently ignored the strenuous efforts of the community to engage with the junta to reverse the attempted coup.”
He added that: “For the avoidance of doubt, let me state unequivocally that ECOWAS has neither declared war on the people of Niger nor is there a plan, as it is being purported, to ‘invade’ the country. The ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government has only activated a full-scale application of sanctions which includes the use of legitimate force to restore constitutional order.”
He said: “In the interim, the region is employing other elements of its instruments and engaging with the military authorities as can be attested to by the several missions that have been fielded to the country and our joint efforts with our partners, including the African Union and the UN. We are hopeful that these diplomatic efforts will yield the desired outcome and make it unnecessary for the deployment of the force.”
Touray while stating that there is no specified date for the use of force to return democratic governance back to Niger, said the military option is still on the table.
He said: “Nonetheless, preparations continue towards making the force ready for deployment. Consequently, the technical arms of the decision-making organs, which include the Committee of Chiefs of Defence Staff have also been directed to prepare the community enforcement mechanism in case it becomes compelling to deploy the force.”
He however said: “We believe that even now it is not too late for the military to reconsider its action and listen to the voice of reason as the regional leaders will not condone a coup d’état. ECOWAS also wishes to remind them of their responsibility for the security and safety of President Bazoum, members of his family and government.
“At this juncture let me reiterate that the real issue is the determination of the community to halt the spiral of coups d’etat in the region. We are all brothers irrespective of the artificial borders but the rule of law has to be upheld.
“The uncontitutional action of the military has plunged the people of Niger into serious socio-economic crises. In other words, Nigeriens are suffering today because a section of the military, which should be focused on its constitutional role, decided to hijack the political institutions and subvert democracy.
“The truth is, neither Niger nor the West African sub region needs such a major distraction at this time and we would all like to see the defence and security forces of Niger Republic immediately return to their constitutional role, a role in which they have performed creditably as exemplified in their fight against terrorism and sterling performance in the Multinational Joint Tasks Force in the Lake Chad Basin Area, and in many areas within the Liptako-Gourma region.
“The decision of the Heads of State and Government to activate the clause providing for the application of legitimate force in Niger was reached only after due consideration of how political dialogue alone has unfortunately failed to deter coup plotters in the region. The precedents in Mali, Guinea and Burkina Faso are unsettling and underline the reason why the Community was obliged to take such a hard but legitimate stance, backed by the ‘ECOWAS Community law which I must stress again was subscribed to by all the Member States, including Niger Republic.
“The actions of the Community have been guided by a recognition of the Community’s obligation within the context of the spirit of solidarity and collective responsibility that underlines the ECOWAS integration arrangement. We recognize Republic of Niger as an important member of the ECOWAS family, and it remains so to date. It is not a target for destruction by ECOWAS, and ECOWAS will never allow the people of Niger to suffer in the hands of enemies within or without.
We are deeply concerned about the wellbeing of the people and the country. Historically, military administrations have not demonstrated any capacity to better deal with complex political, social and security challenges. The security situation in countries under military government have rather deteriorated, as national territories are being lost to terrorists under their administration even though this has become the main justification for their intervention.
“In most cases, the rights and freedom of the citizens are also inevitably curtailed, with arbitrary arrests, detentions, and use of excessive force becoming the order of the day. The social cohesion in these countries is weakening by the day and it will take years to restore. We do not want this in Niger Republic.
He however lamented that “fifth columnists have unfortunately been misrepresenting our decisions and actions, deriding regional authorities as being tele-guided by foreign powers with nefarious intentions. Let me remind everyone that ECOWAS is a community of rules and regulations, norms, and values.
“These principles, which have been accumulated over the 48 years of its existence, and they underpin its actions. It is undeniable that these admirable principles have made the region an exemplar among Regional Economic Communities within and outside Africa, and many look up to it for inspiration. We are therefore not under the dictate of any extra-regional power or interests. Our interest is rather the protection of the rights of our people with the objective of building a rules-based community and fostering peace and prosperity for all in our region.”
He added that: “So, while we are determined to bend over backwards to accommodate diplomatic efforts, we are not unaware of the true intentions of some of the members of the Niger junta. At first, they snubbed our diplomatic efforts but recently began to show signs of being amenable, only for them to take a dangerous path by putting in place a government, and an unacceptable transition timeline.
He said that “the decision of the ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government, which is currently chaired by HE Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, is to work for the peaceful restoration of civilian rule in Niger Republic without any delay and to use all the instruments at the disposal of ECOWAS towards the attainment of this goal.
“As for the other countries in transition, namely Mali, Burkina Faso and Guinea, ECOWAS will continue to support their transition processes, as directed by
the ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government. We will continue to support their fight against terrorism to ensure the restoration of democracy, peace, and security in our community. We will also continue to work with them on their agreed transition timetables.”
He said: “Regarding the mercenaries, let me say this, ECOWAS and the African continent as a whole stand against the use of private military contractors and again, we have continental instruments as against the use of private military contractors on the continent.”
We are Not at War with Niger, Nigeriens- ECOWAS
News
Troops repel bandits’ attack in AgatuBenue
Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue
By Zagazola Makama
Troops of the Nigerian Army, in collaboration with the police, repelled an attack by suspected armed bandits on a joint patrol team in Agatu Local Government Area of Benue State.
Security sources said the incident occurred at about 9:00 a.m. on April 4, when the troops on routine patrol encountered the armed bandits.
According to the sources, the bandits opened fire on sighting the troops, leading to a gun duel.
“The troops responded decisively, forcing the bandits to retreat after a brief exchange of fire,” the source said.
The attackers reportedly fled through a nearby river, taking advantage of the difficult terrain.
The sources confirmed that no casualty was recorded among the troops during the encounter.
Following the incident, troops have intensified patrols and commenced combing operations in surrounding bushes to track down the fleeing suspects.
The operation is part of ongoing efforts by the military to curb banditry and sustain peace in the area.
Troops repel bandits’ attack in Agatu
Benue
News
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
By Zagazola Makama
Additional details have emerged on the identities of notorious bandit leaders eliminated during the recent military offensive in Tsafe Local Government Area of Zamfara State, where the son of feared kingpin Ado Allero and scores of fighters were neutralised.
At the heart of the operation was the elimination of Kachalla Iliya Sarki, the son of Ado Allero, alongside more than 65 fighters and several high-ranking commanders who had long orchestrated attacks, kidnappings, and cattle rustling across Zamfara and neighbouring states.

For years, the forests of Tsafe, Shinkafi, and Zurmi have served as operational bases for heavily armed groups, with Allero’s network emerging as one of the most feared. The death of his son, widely regarded as a rising figure within the hierarchy, is not just a tactical success, it is a symbolic strike at the core of the group’s command structure.
Security sources confirmed that the offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, led to the elimination of several key commanders.

Among them was Kachalla Biyabiki, a notorious kidnapping kingpin linked to numerous abductions in the western Tsafe axis. Intelligence indicated he had at least 10 victims in captivity at the time of his death, with ransom negotiations ongoing.
Also killed was Kachalla Dogon Bete, a feared field commander known for leading violent raids on rural communities and coordinating cattle rustling operations.
Other commanders neutralised include Kachalla Dan Bakolo, believed to be responsible for arms supply and logistics; Kachalla Na’Isa, a sub-commander involved in enforcement operations; Kachalla Yellow, linked to reprisal attacks; and Kachalla Mudi, associated with kidnapping activities along rural transit routes.

Together, these figures formed a critical part of the operational backbone of banditry in the Tsafe–Shinkafi corridor.
“These individuals were key actors within the network. Their neutralisation has disrupted command and control structures in the area,” a security source said.
The offensive, which targeted multiple camps in Munhaye and surrounding forest enclaves, also resulted in the destruction of hideouts and recovery of weapons and other logistics.
However, security experts warn that the killing of such high-profile figures—particularly the son of Ado Allero—may provoke retaliatory attacks by fleeing elements seeking revenge.
Troops have consequently intensified clearance operations, aerial surveillance, and aggressive patrols across Tsafe, Shinkafi, and adjoining areas to prevent regrouping and forestall possible reprisals.
Efforts are ongoing to track down remaining loyalists and dismantle residual cells operating within the wider Zamfara-Katsina forest corridor.
In Zamfara’s forests, where power shifts quickly and alliances are fluid, today’s victory can only be secured by tomorrow’s vigilance.
Six more top bandit leaders eliminated alongside Ado Allero’s son in Zamfara offensive
News
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
By Zagazola Makama
In Plateau State, the sound of gunfire is no longer shocking. It is expected. What follows each incident has also become predictable outrage, media attention, blames and accusations, as well as a rush to frame the tragedy within familiar narratives.
The latest reports of miners lynched by unknown gunmen have once again drawn national and international attention. Youth leaders, clerics, and advocacy groups are already describing the incident in sweeping terms, some branding it as genocide.
But beneath the headlines lies a more complicated and more troubling reality. Plateau is not witnessing isolated acts of violence. It is caught in a deeply entrenched cycle of reprisals, where attacks and counter-attacks have become the norm, and where truth is often buried beneath sentiment and selective narratives.
In the early hours of April 3, troops responded to a distress call from Sabongida village in Jos South Local Government Area. What they found was grim: the lifeless, beheaded body of a 30-year-old herder, identified as Shafiyu, lying in the bush. Security sources indicated that the killing was allegedly carried out by suspected Berom youths. Before the shock of that incident could settle, retaliation came swiftly.
Later that same day, armed men attacked an illegal mining site in Gyel village, Riyom Local Government Area. Three miners, including Samuel Davou, were killed in cold blood, while others fled for safety as troops moved in to secure the area. What might appear as separate incidents are, in reality, part of a continuous chain of violence, one feeding directly into the other.
Across Plateau, recent events reveal a troubling pattern that has defined the conflict for years.
On March 25, the body of Abdullahi Mohammed , a Fulani boy, was discovered in a shallow grave in Mangu Local Government Area, raising suspicions of targeted killing. On the same day in Riyom, irrigation farms belonging to several farmers were destroyed, by Fulani herdsmen, an act capable of provoking immediate retaliation.
Three days later, on March 28, gunmen assassinated Alhaji Bilyaminu Julde, a prominent Fulani community leader and Ardo of Gindiri, in Barkin Ladi. The attack, carried out at his residence, sent ignited tensions through the Fulani community and set off alarm bells across the state.
That same day, another flashpoint emerged in Riyom, where stray cattle destroyed farmlands in Tahoss village an incident that further strained relations between farmers and herders.
By April 2, violence had escalated again. In Bokkos Local Government Area, troops foiled an attack by suspected armed herders following a clash with vigilantes over grazing disputes. One vigilante sustained gunshot injuries.
Then came April 3, a day that encapsulated the crisis. Aside from the killing of the herder in Sabongida and the retaliatory attack on miners in Gyel, more killing were reported in Jos South.
On the same day, troops in Barkin Ladi recovered suspected rustled cattle reportedly taken by the Birom armed militia, while in Riyom, another Fulani youth was allegedly killed in an isolated attack. Each of these incidents is not just an entry in a security log. They are links in a chain, each one strengthening the justification for the next.
The Plateau conflict has increasingly been framed through singular lenses, often ethnic or religious. While these dimensions exist, they do not fully capture the complexity of what is happening on the ground. What emerges from security reports and field accounts is a cycle of reciprocal violence involving armed elements across communities. Fulani herders have been attacked and killed. Berom farmers and miners have also been targeted in deadly reprisals.
Yet, public discourse often pointing fongers only one side of the suffering.
This selective framing creates a dangerous distortion. It fuels anger, deepens divisions, and makes reconciliation even more difficult. More importantly, it prevents a clear understanding of the crisis one that is essential for any meaningful solution.
As observed by Simon Kolawole, the conflict has become a cycle of “attacks and counter-attacks, reprisals and counter-reprisals.”
In such an environment, violence becomes normalized. Communities begin to see retaliation not as a crime, but as justice.
Without accountability, peace remains elusive,”he said in his latest article, titled The Killing fields in plateau State.
In Plateau State, the search for peace has become a long, uncertain journey with no immediate destination in sight. Despite sustained military deployments and repeated calls for calm, deadly attacks continue to rage across communities, reinforcing a grim reality: this is a conflict deeply rooted in cycles of violence, mistrust, and silence.
For many residents, the first instinct after every attack is to look toward the government, Security forces and President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Questions are asked why were the troops not there? Why was the intelligence not acted upon? Why are communities left exposed?
These concerns are valid. The primary responsibility of any government is the protection of lives and property. Yet, beneath these criticisms lies a difficult truth that is often left unspoken. In many cases, the same communities that demand protection are unwilling to confront the problem from within.
Across flashpoints in Riyom, Barkin Ladi, Bokkos, and Mangu, patterns have consistent which suggest that perpetrators of violence are not faceless outsiders operating in isolation. They are often known by name, by face, by affiliation. But they are rarely exposed. Instead, a culture of silence prevails. Fear, loyalty, and sometimes complicity prevent communities from identifying or handing over those responsible for attacks.
This silence creates a protective shield around perpetrators, allowing them to strike repeatedly without consequences. The result is a dangerous cycle: attacks occur, blame is assigned externally, and the real actors remain embedded within the communities.
There have been instances where youth leaders publicly blamed Fulani groups for atrocities even in cases where the victims themselves were Fulani. Such claims stretch logic and risk undermining credibility. The argument that a group would attack itself, rustle or poison its own livestock, and transport it into rival territory solely to assign blame raises fundamental questions.
While misinformation is a powerful tool in conflict, it cannot fully explain away patterns that are repeatedly documented by security agencies. These narratives, rather than promoting justice, deepen mistrust and inflame passions, making reconciliation more difficult.
This cycle has blurred the lines between victim and aggressor. Communities that mourn their dead today may be accused of launching attacks tomorrow. In such an environment, truth becomes contested, and justice becomes subjective. A herder is killed, reprisal follows.
Miners are attacked, revenge is planned.
Cattle are rustled, retaliation is inevitable. Each incident becomes both consequence and justification.
Intelligence gathering, the backbone of effective security operations depends heavily on local input. When communities withhold information, protect suspects, or distort facts, security agencies are left to operate in the dark.
This creates gaps that perpetrators exploit.
Blaming the government alone, without acknowledging this dynamic, presents an incomplete picture of the crisis.
Security forces have remained active, responding to distress calls, conducting patrols, and attempting to stabilize volatile areas. Yet, their presence has not been enough to stop the killings. The reality is that no amount of military deployment can fully secure a population that is unwilling to cooperate.
One of the most dangerous drivers of the conflict is impunity. For decades, perpetrators of violence in Plateau have rarely been brought to justice. Killings are recorded, condemned, and eventually forgotten until the next incident occurs.
Community, religious and youths leaders, who should serve as stabilizing forces, are increasingly unable to control armed youth groups. Such interventions are rare and often overshadowed by more powerful forces of anger and revenge. In many cases the leaders are the once directly fueling the crises and encouraging the youths to take up arms to carry out reprisals attacks.
The nature of the Plateau conflict makes it resistant to purely military solutions. This is not a conventional war with clear battle lines. It is a fragmented conflict driven by local grievances, economic competition, and historical mistrust.
Calls for heavy-handed interventions, including suggestions of foreign military involvement, fail to recognize this reality. Force alone cannot resolve a conflict that is rooted in social and communal dynamics.
If Plateau is to break free from this cycle, the first step must be honesty. The violence must be acknowledged for what it is a series of interconnected attacks involving multiple actors, not a one-sided campaign. Only then can meaningful solutions emerge.
This is not just a story of victims and aggressors. It is a story of a society caught in a loop of vengeance, where yesterday’s victim can become today’s perpetrator. Until the truth is confronted in its entirety without bias, without omission peace will remain elusive.
The government must move beyond reactive security measures and take decisive steps to address the root causes of the conflict. This includes ensuring accountability, strengthening intelligence capabilities, and facilitating genuine dialogue among communities.Equally important is the role of local leaders. They must rise above partisan interests and work actively to restrain their followers, promote peace, and reject all forms of violence regardless of who commits them.
Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad Region
Why truth, not narratives, will end the killings in Plateau’s endless cycle of bloodshed
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