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Why Nigerians Do Not Trust NBMA’s Regulation of GMOs

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Why Nigerians Do Not Trust NBMA’s Regulation of GMOs

By Nnimmo Bassey and Joyce Brown

The deployment of products of genetically modified organisms (GMOs) continues to raise concerns and resistance, not only in Nigeria but across the world among consumers, researchers, public health experts, food sovereignty campaigners and others. Nigeria’s National Biosafety Management Agency (NBMA) however, has continued to take on a defensive front on the matter rather than acknowledging and addressing critical concerns that are quite fundamental and evident. This we believe comes from a mindset that assumes science and technology especially such as is approved by some foreign entities cannot be flawed and that Nigeria or Africa cannot make a headway in agriculture without without deploying biotechnology.

A recent article in The Guardian titled Nigeria Is Not Experimenting With GMOs, It Is Regulating Them, presents genetically engineered crops as a fait accompli and the NBMA as adequately defending Nigeria’s biosafety. The article almost reads like an NBMA public relations piece. The fact we must not forget is that the agency is saddled with the mandate to ensure that the practice of, and products from modern biotechnology do not harm human, animals, or plants health or the environment and they have said in the past that they are not set up to stop the deployment of GMOs but to regulate them. This begs for an interrogation of what regulation actually means. Shouldn’t regulation mean that GMOs should be banned altogether if they pose significant risks to humans and the environment? The the Precautionary Principle, a key principle of the Cartagena Protocol to which Nigeria is signatory, specifically advises caution and a halt in adoption of GMOs where there are threats to human and environmental safety.

One of the fundamental questions that the Nigerian government through the NBMA is yet to respond to is “ where are the results of LONG TERM and INDEPENDENT/PEER REVIEWED risk assessment including feeding tests conducted that informs the safety of the four officially approved products for commercial planting in Nigeria and the 10 or more others approved for food, feed and processing? This is unarguably the surest way to build trust in the regulatory architecture, but such information is not on the website of the NBMA as of 6 March 2026. We cannot but say the country is experimenting with GMOs using Nigerians as test subjects with our soils/environment as the laboratory. This is clearly not the way to defend biosafety.

The loudest argument about the need for GMOs in Nigeria is that there is no other way to feed a burgeoning population. The fact that these artificial crops do not have a yield advantage over natural varieties when cultivated under similar conditions is simply overlooked. The overriding impetus for the broadcasting of the GMOs in Nigeria is the economic benefits the speculators and manufacturers of the seeds would reap, riding on their power and control over policy formulation and implementation. Profit at what cost? Or is it true as an official of the All Farmers Association of Nigeria (AFAN) stated at a public hearing organised by the House of Representatives in December 2024 that “it is better to eat and die than not to eat and die”? Meaning that because Nigeria’s population is huge, we should keep deploying GMOs irrespective of the quality of the food and the long-term impacts whether social, health or environmental, as long as food is available.

But we must dig deeper even on the economic front. The cotton farmers who have planted GMOs for the longest time in Nigeria noted in 2024 that the GM Cotton (Bt Cotton) after 3 odd years of planting has not outperformed the conventional variety. They lamented that their soil was instead being degraded. This is possibly a result of the release of the CRY1Ab toxins (from Bacillus thuringiensis) in the Bt Cotton into the soils. Again, what cost are we willing to pay just to be in the league of countries deploying so-called cutting edge modern biotechnology in agriculture?

A second fundamental question that remains unanswered is who controls the GM seed market? This gives rise to several other questions: Who owns the intellectual property rights over the genetically modified seeds? Here’s the catch: GMOs can and will contaminate our local varieties through cross pollination and other processes. What safeguards has the NBMA put in place to prevent gene transfer and contamination of Nigeria’s local seed varieties? Or are we content with depending solely on the intentional seed companies for seeds and for our subsistence in the long run?

A number of other countries have put in place total or partial bans on GMOs based on this risk of genetic contamination. In 2024, Mexico placed an indefinite ban on genetically engineered corn. The courts said from the evidence before it, genetically engineered corn posed “the risk of imminent harm to the environment.” Furthermore, they will “suspend all activities involving the planting of transgenic corn in the country and end the granting of permission for experimental and pilot commercial plantings.” This ruling provided a protection for the 20,000 varieties of corn grown in Mexico and Central America. What are we doing to protect Nigeria’s genetic resources from GMOs contamination? Mexico is the centre of origin of maize and this reality places responsibility on her to protect natural maize varieties from the corruption of transgenic varieties. Nigeria is the centre of origin of beans/cowpea, and yet our farms and markets are open to insecticidal GMO beans.

On this note we encourage the government at all levels to invest in the setting up of seed banks to ensure the preservation of local and high performing indigenous seed varieties.

Nigerians reserve the right to choose their food. GMOs approved for commercial cultivation and sale are not labeled. Although we do not believe labelling will be effective considering our socio-economic context, the absence of labelling signals a disregard for the rights of consumers and an avoidance of responsibility on the part of the producers GMOs. Releasing GMOs into the market without labels is against the spirit and intent of the biosafety law in Nigeria. This explains why the National Biosafety Management Agency (NBMA) Act lacks provision on strict liability.

Many Nigerians are consuming imported processed foods bought from supermarkets without any idea that they are made from the genetically modified organisms (GMOs). The manner in which these items are imported into the country needs to be interrogated. Although the National Biosafety Management Agency (NBMA) has said illegal importation of GMOs into the country is being checked, these products are abundant in our market shelves (over 50 different brands including cereals, vegetable oils, spices, ice-cream, cake mixes etc) as revealed by a survey which Health of Mother Earth Foundation carried out across 10 Nigerian cities in 2018, 2019 and 2023.

We reinforce the call for a ban on GMOs in Nigeria. As recommended by the House of Representatives in 2024, no new GMOs should be approved in Nigeria pending a proper interrogation of the processes of approvals so far. We add that such an interrogation must include long term impacts on human and environmental health. The output of this exercise should be critically reviewed by independent scientists and other food system stakeholders.

Nigeria’s approach to tackling food insecurity should be such that address the root causes of the problem. We cannot overlook the poor budgetary allocation to agriculture or the heightened insecurity that keeps farmers out of farms or the lack of basic infrastructure or the poor extension service etc and claim to be addressing food insecurity.

It is time to transition back to agroecology -which simply means farming in line with nature and in the light of our socio-cultural, economic and ecological context. Farming that ensures that science recognises local knowledge and that it serves the interest of the people. We must promote and protect farming that assures food security but much better food sovereignty by ensuring shorter value chains/better access to food, improved livelihoods for smallholder farmers and a protection of the rights of peoples.

GMOs only attempt to address the symptoms of major underlying food system issues while increasing profit for their proponents. The price to pay in terms of ecological damage, loss of biodiversity, health and economic implications far outweigh any fickle advantages they may seem to have. It is time to decolonize our food systems.

People over profits!

Nnimmo Bassey is an Environmental Activist, Author/Poet and Executive Director at Health of Mother Earth Foundation

Joyce Brown is a Public Health Scientist, Food Sovereignty Campaigner, and Director of Programmes at Health of Mother Earth Foundation

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2027: TAF-Africa urges INEC, security agencies to ensure inclusive voting

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2027: TAF-Africa urges INEC, security agencies to ensure inclusive voting

By Elizabeth Ogunjobi

TAF-Africa has urged the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and security agencies to ensure accessible and safe voting for Persons with Disabilities (PwDs) in 2027.

Dr Andrew Adaji, Programme Manager of The All-Rights Foundation, made the call in Gombe on Wednesday during a community outreach for PwDs.

Adaji said the agencies must ensure that all eligible voters exercised their constitutional rights without discrimination or unnecessary difficulties.

He said PwDs deserved adequate support to participate in electoral processes, given their population and potential contributions to national development.

He estimated that PwDs constituted about 35 million Nigerians, representing 18 per cent of the country’s population.

Adaji urged INEC to promote priority voting and ensure its officials understood provisions designed to facilitate voting for PwDs.

He also criticised the commission’s alleged neglect of Form EC40H, which documents the participation of voters with disabilities.

“Based on our experience during the off-cycle governorship elections in Ekiti, Anambra and Osun states, most ad-hoc staff were not even aware that the form existed,” he said.

He said observers had to draw polling officials’ attention to the form during the elections.

Adaji urged INEC to incorporate training on Form EC40H into its preparation of ad-hoc staff.

He said this would enable officials to understand its purpose and properly document PwDs participating in elections.

He also called for assistive devices, including magnifying glasses and Braille ballot guides, for voters with visual impairments.

Adaji urged INEC to make polling units physically accessible, stressing that PwDs should exercise their rights independently and with dignity.

“We should not have to carry them into polling units. Instead, the facilities should be designed to accommodate them,” he said.

He expressed optimism that improved accessibility would encourage more PwDs to participate in elections.

Adaji also urged security agencies to prioritise the protection of PwDs during security threats and emergencies.

He encouraged PwDs in Gombe to exercise their voting rights under the priority voting provisions of the law.

He said the provisions included special queues for PwDs, pregnant women and older persons.

Adaji urged Nigerians to support the participation of PwDs in the electoral process.

Alheri Nuhu, Women Leader of the Deaf Association in Gombe State, commended The All-Rights Foundation for organising the outreach.

Nuhu said PwDs had been denied adequate attention during previous elections, despite their constitutional rights.

She lamented discrimination by INEC officials and other voters, saying communication barriers often left deaf voters disenfranchised.

She urged INEC to engage sign language interpreters among its ad-hoc staff to facilitate communication during elections.

Similarly, Malam Sani Abubakar, Chairman of the Lepers Association in Gombe State, called for inclusive voting arrangements.

He said leprosy had affected some members’ thumbs, making thumbprinting difficult despite their faces being captured during previous elections.

Abubakar urged INEC to introduce alternative voting arrangements for affected voters to prevent their disenfranchisement.

NAN reports that The All-Rights Foundation is conducting the outreach in six Gombe communities, targeting 305 PwDs.

2027: TAF-Africa urges INEC, security agencies to ensure inclusive voting

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Borno 2027: The General’s Charge and How Zulum Unleashes Borno’s Heavyweight Political Squad

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Borno 2027: The General’s Charge and How Zulum Unleashes Borno’s Heavyweight Political Squad

By Abubakar M. Kareto

In Nigerian politics, elections are rarely won on auditorium stages; they are decided in the quiet corridors of rural wards and the long queues of remote polling units.

The formal inauguration of the Borno State All Progressives Congress (APC) Campaign Council at the Government House followed by a massive, open-air campaign flag-off at the Sports Centre in Maiduguri represents a calculated departure from routine rally-making toward micro-targeted grassroots mobilization.

By commanding party stalwarts to abandon executive comfort and embed themselves directly within their local communities, Governor Babagana Umara Zulum is deploying a bottom-up doctrine aimed at locking down political legitimacy where it matters most.

At the heart of this strategy is the critical task of maintaining party cohesion after intense internal primaries. Zulum’s explicit instruction for victorious candidates to reach out and heal rifts with aggrieved aspirants reflects a realistic understanding of political arithmetic: internal resentment erodes turnout faster than any opposition campaign. By coupling reconciliation with firm warnings against subversion, the leadership is attempting to forge an unbreakable front out of potentially volatile factions.

The sheer scale of political unity displayed in Maiduguri underscores the formidable nature of this campaign structure. Bringing together political titans including former Governors Senator Maina Ma’aji Lawan and Senator Ali Modu Sheriff, alongside APC Deputy National Chairman Ali Bukar Dalori and the state’s complete senatorial delegation demonstrates an unprecedented level of internal alignment.

This public display of solidarity among historical heavyweights signals organizational stability, minimizing space for opposition inroads while keeping rank-and-file members firmly aligned.

Beyond local dynamics, Borno State occupies a unique position on the national political chessboard as the home state of Vice President Senator Kashim Shettima. In this high-stakes arena, sheer victory is insufficient; the turnout margin itself serves as a barometer of political influence.

Delivering a massive vote tally is therefore both a local objective and a strategic demonstration of national strength, cementing the state’s leverage within the governing alliance.

To turn political influence into actual votes, the campaign relies heavily on record-based persuasion and visible governance dividends. By grounding the campaign pitch in key developmental gains achieved despite severe security challenges and highlighting major federal institutions acquired in Gwoza, Bama, and Azare canvassers are equipped with a tangible policy narrative. Framing voter turnout for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, gubernatorial candidate Engr. Mustapha Gubio, and all legislative candidates as a direct return on investment gives party workers a clear, evidence-backed story for every doorstep across the state’s 27 local government areas.

A vital strength of this expanded outreach is the deliberate inclusion of women and youth as core engines of voter mobilization. The strong presence of the women’s delegation led by Borno First Lady Dr. Falmata Babagana Umara Zulum alongside the wife of the Deputy Governor and the wives of party candidates highlights an organized effort to engage families and community networks directly. Demanding structured participation across all demographics ensures that campaign directives actively translate into voter registration and turnout.

Deputy Governor Umar Usman Kadafur’s commitment to an issue-based, unit-by-unit campaign outlines the operational mechanics needed to execute this vision. Requiring regular field reports creates a system of measurable accountability across every precinct. In a vast state with complex logistics, such systematic tracking ensures that high-level strategy is actively carried out at every single polling station.

Lastly, the Maiduguri launch demonstrates how strategic discipline, elite reconciliation, and precinct-level focus converge to shape electoral outcomes. In an increasingly competitive political landscape, the Borno APC has laid out a clear blueprint: harness the full weight of a unified leadership squad, but win the election one polling unit at a time.

About the Author
Abubakar M. Kareto is a Public Affairs Analyst and Communications Strategist focusing on governance, policies, economy, and institutional reforms across Nigeria and Africa. He can be reached on X @amkareto and via email at amkareto@gmail.com.

Borno 2027: The General’s Charge and How Zulum Unleashes Borno’s Heavyweight Political Squad

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Two Notorious Terrorist Leaders Haruna Balatoni and Black Neutralised in Plateau Military Offensive Another Fatally Wounded as Six AK-47 Rifles Returned

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Two Notorious Terrorist Leaders Haruna Balatoni and Black Neutralised in Plateau Military Offensive Another Fatally Wounded as Six AK-47 Rifles Returned

By: Zagazola Makama

Troops of the Nigerian Army have recorded major breakthroughs in ongoing offensive operations against armed criminal networks in Plateau State, neutralising two notorious terrorist leaders, critically wounding another and recovering six AK-47 rifles previously seized from security forces.

The latest developments followed sustained military offensives at Dajin Madam in Wase Local Government Area of Plateau State on November 8, 2026.

Security sources disclosed that HUMINT reports received at about 8:53 a.m. on November 9 indicated that the intensity of the military operation had resulted in the neutralisation of two suspected terrorist leaders identified as Haruna Balatoni and Black.

Another notorious figure, identified as Dogo Mai Kunkuru, was reportedly shot in the chest and left in a critical condition, with sources indicating that his chances of survival were slim.

In a significant development on November 10, the sustained military pressure reportedly compelled the terrorist network, through an intermediary identified as Ali-Kwara, to return six AK-47 rifles previously seized from security forces.

The recovered weapons are currently in military custody.
In a related operation, troops of 173 Battalion deployed at Mansur rescued a kidnapped mother and her daughter and recovered 39 cattle.

The developments represent a significant disruption of the criminal network’s leadership, weapons stockpile and capacity to sustain operations in the Wase axis.
The recovery of the six rifles is particularly important as it restores weapons previously lost to the criminal network and provides an opportunity for further intelligence exploitation.

The latest successes underscore the impact of sustained offensive pressure, intelligence-driven operations and military presence in dismantling armed groups operating across Plateau State.

The reported deaths of the terrorist leaders and the condition of Dogo Mai Kunkuru are based on preliminary HUMINT assessments and remain subject to independent military confirmation

Two Notorious Terrorist Leaders Haruna Balatoni and Black Neutralised in Plateau Military Offensive Another Fatally Wounded as Six AK-47 Rifles Returned

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