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Why Nigerians Do Not Trust NBMA’s Regulation of GMOs
Why Nigerians Do Not Trust NBMA’s Regulation of GMOs
By Nnimmo Bassey and Joyce Brown
The deployment of products of genetically modified organisms (GMOs) continues to raise concerns and resistance, not only in Nigeria but across the world among consumers, researchers, public health experts, food sovereignty campaigners and others. Nigeria’s National Biosafety Management Agency (NBMA) however, has continued to take on a defensive front on the matter rather than acknowledging and addressing critical concerns that are quite fundamental and evident. This we believe comes from a mindset that assumes science and technology especially such as is approved by some foreign entities cannot be flawed and that Nigeria or Africa cannot make a headway in agriculture without without deploying biotechnology.
A recent article in The Guardian titled Nigeria Is Not Experimenting With GMOs, It Is Regulating Them, presents genetically engineered crops as a fait accompli and the NBMA as adequately defending Nigeria’s biosafety. The article almost reads like an NBMA public relations piece. The fact we must not forget is that the agency is saddled with the mandate to ensure that the practice of, and products from modern biotechnology do not harm human, animals, or plants health or the environment and they have said in the past that they are not set up to stop the deployment of GMOs but to regulate them. This begs for an interrogation of what regulation actually means. Shouldn’t regulation mean that GMOs should be banned altogether if they pose significant risks to humans and the environment? The the Precautionary Principle, a key principle of the Cartagena Protocol to which Nigeria is signatory, specifically advises caution and a halt in adoption of GMOs where there are threats to human and environmental safety.
One of the fundamental questions that the Nigerian government through the NBMA is yet to respond to is “ where are the results of LONG TERM and INDEPENDENT/PEER REVIEWED risk assessment including feeding tests conducted that informs the safety of the four officially approved products for commercial planting in Nigeria and the 10 or more others approved for food, feed and processing? This is unarguably the surest way to build trust in the regulatory architecture, but such information is not on the website of the NBMA as of 6 March 2026. We cannot but say the country is experimenting with GMOs using Nigerians as test subjects with our soils/environment as the laboratory. This is clearly not the way to defend biosafety.
The loudest argument about the need for GMOs in Nigeria is that there is no other way to feed a burgeoning population. The fact that these artificial crops do not have a yield advantage over natural varieties when cultivated under similar conditions is simply overlooked. The overriding impetus for the broadcasting of the GMOs in Nigeria is the economic benefits the speculators and manufacturers of the seeds would reap, riding on their power and control over policy formulation and implementation. Profit at what cost? Or is it true as an official of the All Farmers Association of Nigeria (AFAN) stated at a public hearing organised by the House of Representatives in December 2024 that “it is better to eat and die than not to eat and die”? Meaning that because Nigeria’s population is huge, we should keep deploying GMOs irrespective of the quality of the food and the long-term impacts whether social, health or environmental, as long as food is available.
But we must dig deeper even on the economic front. The cotton farmers who have planted GMOs for the longest time in Nigeria noted in 2024 that the GM Cotton (Bt Cotton) after 3 odd years of planting has not outperformed the conventional variety. They lamented that their soil was instead being degraded. This is possibly a result of the release of the CRY1Ab toxins (from Bacillus thuringiensis) in the Bt Cotton into the soils. Again, what cost are we willing to pay just to be in the league of countries deploying so-called cutting edge modern biotechnology in agriculture?
A second fundamental question that remains unanswered is who controls the GM seed market? This gives rise to several other questions: Who owns the intellectual property rights over the genetically modified seeds? Here’s the catch: GMOs can and will contaminate our local varieties through cross pollination and other processes. What safeguards has the NBMA put in place to prevent gene transfer and contamination of Nigeria’s local seed varieties? Or are we content with depending solely on the intentional seed companies for seeds and for our subsistence in the long run?
A number of other countries have put in place total or partial bans on GMOs based on this risk of genetic contamination. In 2024, Mexico placed an indefinite ban on genetically engineered corn. The courts said from the evidence before it, genetically engineered corn posed “the risk of imminent harm to the environment.” Furthermore, they will “suspend all activities involving the planting of transgenic corn in the country and end the granting of permission for experimental and pilot commercial plantings.” This ruling provided a protection for the 20,000 varieties of corn grown in Mexico and Central America. What are we doing to protect Nigeria’s genetic resources from GMOs contamination? Mexico is the centre of origin of maize and this reality places responsibility on her to protect natural maize varieties from the corruption of transgenic varieties. Nigeria is the centre of origin of beans/cowpea, and yet our farms and markets are open to insecticidal GMO beans.
On this note we encourage the government at all levels to invest in the setting up of seed banks to ensure the preservation of local and high performing indigenous seed varieties.
Nigerians reserve the right to choose their food. GMOs approved for commercial cultivation and sale are not labeled. Although we do not believe labelling will be effective considering our socio-economic context, the absence of labelling signals a disregard for the rights of consumers and an avoidance of responsibility on the part of the producers GMOs. Releasing GMOs into the market without labels is against the spirit and intent of the biosafety law in Nigeria. This explains why the National Biosafety Management Agency (NBMA) Act lacks provision on strict liability.
Many Nigerians are consuming imported processed foods bought from supermarkets without any idea that they are made from the genetically modified organisms (GMOs). The manner in which these items are imported into the country needs to be interrogated. Although the National Biosafety Management Agency (NBMA) has said illegal importation of GMOs into the country is being checked, these products are abundant in our market shelves (over 50 different brands including cereals, vegetable oils, spices, ice-cream, cake mixes etc) as revealed by a survey which Health of Mother Earth Foundation carried out across 10 Nigerian cities in 2018, 2019 and 2023.
We reinforce the call for a ban on GMOs in Nigeria. As recommended by the House of Representatives in 2024, no new GMOs should be approved in Nigeria pending a proper interrogation of the processes of approvals so far. We add that such an interrogation must include long term impacts on human and environmental health. The output of this exercise should be critically reviewed by independent scientists and other food system stakeholders.
Nigeria’s approach to tackling food insecurity should be such that address the root causes of the problem. We cannot overlook the poor budgetary allocation to agriculture or the heightened insecurity that keeps farmers out of farms or the lack of basic infrastructure or the poor extension service etc and claim to be addressing food insecurity.
It is time to transition back to agroecology -which simply means farming in line with nature and in the light of our socio-cultural, economic and ecological context. Farming that ensures that science recognises local knowledge and that it serves the interest of the people. We must promote and protect farming that assures food security but much better food sovereignty by ensuring shorter value chains/better access to food, improved livelihoods for smallholder farmers and a protection of the rights of peoples.
GMOs only attempt to address the symptoms of major underlying food system issues while increasing profit for their proponents. The price to pay in terms of ecological damage, loss of biodiversity, health and economic implications far outweigh any fickle advantages they may seem to have. It is time to decolonize our food systems.
People over profits!
Nnimmo Bassey is an Environmental Activist, Author/Poet and Executive Director at Health of Mother Earth Foundation
Joyce Brown is a Public Health Scientist, Food Sovereignty Campaigner, and Director of Programmes at Health of Mother Earth Foundation
Why Nigerians Do Not Trust NBMA’s Regulation of GMOs
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Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.
Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.
By: Inuwa Bwala.
“March has returned, and with it the Ides. Beware the men who call you brother.”
Julius Caesar was perhaps Rome’s most trusted general. He crossed the Rubicon for Rome, conquered Gaul for Rome, and pardoned enemies for Rome.
Yet it was neither Gaul nor Pompey: his avowed rivals, that killed him. It was Brutus: his friend, and confidant yet his protégé, who was described as “the noblest Roman of them all.”
Julius Caesar did not slump and died because the daggers were too many, rather, bacause he noticed the person he least expected could betray him amongst those stabbing him: Brutus. In utter shock and disbelief, Caesar slumped, but not before he uttered the word,”And you too Brutus?”.
There is no doubt that, Kashim Shettima was Borno’s most tested governor. He walked into boiling areas, when others fled the state. He rebuilt schools bombed by Boko Haram. He chose to stay in Maiduguri when Abuja offered comfort.
As Vice President, he has carried himself as a true statesman abs the face of the Tinubu administration at national and international meets.
He always speaks of “the sanctity of human life” and calked for swifter and total mobilisationagainst terror.
Yet today, whispers from Borno and Abuja suggest the daggers are not in the bush like that of Boko Haram, they are in the hands of his kinsmen, those he hold family meetings and political meetings with.
Those who could read between the line, may be able to tell, when Shettima gave an anecdote at a recent public function, about the visit by his kinsmen to his boss, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, just three months into the life of the administration.
Like Brutus and the conspirators of the Shakespearean fame, who claimed they did not hate Caesar, but loved Rome more, those who visited Tinubu claimed to love Nigeria more and her President, abd not brcause thry hated Shettima.
Brutus in particular played on a so-called republican pride and his fear of tyranny, which he used in convincing himself that betrayal was patriotism. He struck to “save” Rome.
Shettima’s own “Brutuses” use a different script, relying on Shetyima’s perceived ambition and the attendant battle to keep himself in the balance of power as an alibi.
And in the face of contending forces, they recruited people to plsy out the cards, while remaining in the shadows. The charges may appear different with that if Caesar, but the intents are same. And while still smarting from the Muslim-Muslim debacle, Shettima had hradly setyled in office when they began to spread rumours of him, being too Borno, not enough to be a northerner. Too ambitious, fetish, independent minded and growing too popular. One thing they could not take away from him though us the fact that Shettima is intelligent, shrewd and a master schemer, which his boss knows too well.
I had cause to warn of this years ago seeing Shettima’s passive refusal to pick between kinsmen in place of statesmen to work with him.
I could see through the plots to denigrate a fine emergent nationalist by linking him with Boko Haram, painting him as fetish, portraying him as a religious and ethinic checkbox, all in a bud to undo him. The weapon when he was govetnor was insurgency, but the weapon now is political naivity and stereotyping . The tactic includes convincing his Kanuri kinsmen to fight him, so that “when Kanuri fights Kanuri, others will win. But beyond that, even his Kanuri brothers seem to have an axe to grind with him.
The painful truth remains, that, Caesar’s killers were senators in the Capitol, but Shettima’s challengers may be his own kinsmen: some of whom, he nentored snd no one can ever convince him that, they could ever work against him. In both cases, the dagger is dipped in familiarity.
It cuts deeper because the hands holding it, are either those he mentored or once broke bread with him.
Caesar died because he ignored omens. Not even Calpurnia, his wife’s dream could deter him. He ignored the soothsayer, and shunned the Senate’s mood, thinking goodwill was a good sheild and armor.
Shettima’s March 2027 is loaded with omens too, arising from fresh attacks by vested interests, intrigues amongst political players, betrayal by kinsmen, espionage by aides and attachees, dissertion by hitherto close allies, manipulations in the media, ethnic or religious profiling, clandestine meetings that without communiqués, but with lethal intents, contending forces in the party who whisper that 2027 needs a “new pairing.” indeed, the ides are here, because a second term is near, and second terms birth daggers.
As governor, perhaps Shettima survived by moving rather faster than conspiracy. He outrun, those who want to either even scores or shake off his dominace, and those people have remained at daggers drawn with him
How Shettima Survives, will definitely be a refrence point in power struggles in Nigeria.
But unlike Caesar who never learnt, Shettima is a good student of Robert Greens 48 Laws of Power, and must have drawn lessons from the falls of others before him.
To survive, Shettima must learn to trust, but audit the Praetorians. Caesar trusted Brutus with his life. Shettima cannot afford blind trust. The INEC database compromise and probe shows how insider access kills. Shettima must do what he did as governor: forensic audits, no sacred cows. As I earlier said, he must have his own policy, which must not be changed simply because some people want to determine its content.
He must learnt to keep the people, his own trusted people, and must not loose, as Caesar lost Rome due to his belief in his personal prowess and capacity. Shettima still owns Borno’s streets and still conttols the larger and more lethal political forces in the North.
He should be able to name the Brutus, but should not become an Antony, whom at Caesar’s funeral sparked civil unrest. Shettima cannot afford chaos. He should have a machinery on ground that will expose the plot, without burning the Forum. He should expedite action in uniting the North, and rally the support of kinsmen, even as a counterforce, or risks allowing the real enemies to win.
Importantly, he should bear in mind, that, the parabolical March is not the end, the ides pass. For Caesar, it ended at Pompey’s statue, but for Shettima, March can end with a stronger alliance. He must do what he told the nation: “We choose light over shadow, and hope over despair”.
The Verdict of History, had
Brutus dying on his own sword, muttering, “Caesar, now be still.” Betrayal did not save the Republic, rather it buried it.
Shettima’s kinsmen face the same choice. They can strike and wait for the verdict of history, or they can sheathe the dagger and remember: the real enemy still sleeps someehere else.
Twelve years ago, I wrote that Shettima’s ides would test Borno. In 2026, I state without fear of contradiction, that, they will test Nigeria.
Caesar ignored the soothsayer because he was in so much hurry. Shettima, as always, may not be in a hurry, but should he decide to, that hurry may yet save him.
Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.
News
FACT CHECK: No School Attack, No Student Abduction in Kautikari — What Really Happened During the ISWAP Raid
FACT CHECK: No School Attack, No Student Abduction in Kautikari — What Really Happened During the ISWAP Raid
By Zagazola Makama
A wave of alarming reports circulating across social media and some online platforms has claimed that Boko Haram insurgents attacked a school and abducted students in Kautikari community of Chibok Local Government Area, Borno State.
The claims, predictably amplified by emotionally charged references to the 2014 Chibok schoolgirls’ abduction, have generated anxiety among Nigerians following developments in the troubled region.
However, a detailed fact-check by Zagazola Makama, based on assessment from field sources, and video evidence from the scene, has found the claims to be entirely FALSE.
According to sources, the incident occurred at about 7:30 p.m. on June 13 when ISWAP terrorists launched an attack on a hunters’ patrol base located within the premises of a disused primary school in Kautikari.
The facility being used by the hunters was not functioning as a school at the time of the attack, nor were students present at the location. Rather, local hunters had established a patrol outpost within the structure, using some of the classrooms as temporary accommodation and operational shelters while supporting troops of Operation HADIN KAI’s efforts in the area.
The terrorists specifically targeted the hunters’ base and not a school populated by students as widely claimed. Initial resistance by the hunters successfully repelled the first assault.
However, the terrorists later regrouped in larger numbers and launched a second attack, forcing the hunters to temporarily withdraw after running low on ammunition.
Military sources disclosed that reinforcement teams comprising troops of the 117 Task Force Battalion from Kwada, supported by a Quick Response Force, local hunters and vigilante personnel, rapidly mobilized to the scene and engaged the terrorists. The coordinated response eventually overwhelmed the attackers and forced them to retreat.
No Student Was Abducted
Contrary to viral claims, there is no evidence that any student was abducted during the attack. Operational reports from the scene recorded no missing students, no reports of schoolchildren being taken away, and no indication that the terrorists targeted an educational institution in session.
Security sources confirmed that accountability checks conducted after the attack found no cases of student abduction.
In fact, the only confirmed casualties were one civilian who was reportedly struck by a stray bullet fired by the terrorists and one member of the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) who sustained a gunshot wound to the arm.
Sources said also that the terrorists set fire to clothing and personal belongings belonging to the hunters stationed at the outpost. No troops were killed or injured during the engagement.
Further undermining the false reports is video footage obtained by Zagazola Makama from the aftermath of the attack. In the footage, one of the affected hunters is seen showing the damaged facility and burnt belongings while lamenting the destruction caused by the terrorists.
The hunter can be heard explaining that the location served as their place of accommodation and operational base.
“This is where we sleep,” he says while pointing to the affected section of the building.
The footage clearly supports military accounts that the target was a hunters’ outpost and not an occupied school hosting students.
The confusion likely arose because the hunters’ base was situated within the premises of a primary school building.
Photographs and videos showing damaged classrooms were subsequently circulated online without context, leading some platforms to incorrectly conclude that a school had been attacked and students abducted.
The result was the rapid spread of misinformation that failed basic verification standards.
Given Chibok’s painful history, any report involving schools and abductions naturally attracts national and international attention. This makes accurate reporting even more important.
FACT CHECK: No School Attack, No Student Abduction in Kautikari — What Really Happened During the ISWAP Raid
News
Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara
Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara
By: Zagazola Makama
The Zamfara State Police Command says it has successfully foiled a planned attack after its Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) unit discovered and safely destroyed an Improvised Explosive Device (IED) in Tsafe Local Government Area of the state.
The Command said the operation was carried out on Friday at about 4:15 p.m. along the Kunchin Kalgo axis following credible intelligence received through community engagement efforts.

According to a statement issued by the Command, operatives of the Violence Crime Response Unit (VCRU), in collaboration with the EOD team, swiftly mobilised to the area after receiving information about a suspected explosive device planted by bandits.
Preliminary findings indicated that the device was strategically planted along the road with the intent of causing mass casualties among commuters and other road users.
The statement added that the timely response of the operatives led to the safe detection, evacuation and controlled destruction of the explosive device before it could cause any harm.
The Command commended the vigilance and cooperation of local residents, describing community support as critical to ongoing security operations in the state.
It further assured residents that efforts were ongoing to identify, arrest and prosecute those responsible for planting the device.
The police also disclosed that patrols had been intensified across vulnerable areas to prevent similar incidents and ensure the safety of road users.
The Commissioner of Police, A.M. Bello, reiterated the Command’s commitment to sustained operations against banditry and other violent crimes in Zamfara State.
Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara
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