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Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle
Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle
By: Zagazola Makama
The dismissal of Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye marks the culmination of a political rupture that many observers had long considered unavoidable.
What once appeared to be one of the strongest political alliances in contemporary Senegalese politics gradually evolved into a tense rivalry shaped less by ideology than by competing ambitions, institutional contradictions and the struggle for control of executive authority.
For months, tensions within the ruling camp had become increasingly visible. Though both men emerged from the same political movement and jointly embodied the rise of the PASTEF coalition against former President Macky Sall, the coexistence between a highly charismatic political mentor and a constitutionally empowered head of state proved difficult to sustain.
The crisis is anchored in a fundamental institutional reality:Senegal’s constitutional system ultimately concentrates executive legitimacy in the presidency.
While the Prime Minister exercises substantial governmental authority, the President remains the central pillar of executive power, deriving legitimacy directly from universal suffrage and serving as the supreme authority of the state.
Sources say that the conflict emerged because Sonko increasingly projected himself not merely as head of government, but as an alternative center of political gravity within the state apparatus.
Public speeches, political positioning and repeated demonstrations of personal influence created the perception that two competing executives were operating simultaneously within the same administration.
In highly presidential systems, such arrangements rarely survive for long.
Political theorists have often observed that leaders who attain supreme office tend to resist the emergence of rival figures whose popularity, influence or visibility may overshadow their own authority. The situation in Senegal increasingly reflected that classic tension between institutional legitimacy and political charisma.
Sonko’s political trajectory has long been built around a populist and confrontational style that resonated strongly with segments of Senegalese youth and anti-establishment voters. His appeal stemmed from a mixture of direct rhetoric, anti-system positioning, nationalist discourse and his ability to embody political resistance during years of confrontation with the former administration.
However, the same qualities that fueled his rise may also have contributed to his political isolation. Sourcds note that charismatic populist figures often struggle to adapt from opposition politics to the discipline and compromise required in governance. A political strategy built around constant confrontation can become difficult to reconcile with the institutional restraints of executive power-sharing.
Over time, Sonko appeared increasingly convinced that he remained the true engine behind the ruling coalition’s legitimacy and electoral success. That perception may have encouraged attempts to expand his political influence beyond the traditional boundaries of the prime ministerial office.
For President Diomaye Faye, allowing such an imbalance to persist carried political risks.
The removal of Sonko ultimately reaffirmed a basic constitutional principle, regardless of personal popularity, a Prime Minister remains subordinate to presidential authority in Senegal’s current institutional framework.
By dismissing his Prime Minister, Diomaye signaled that he intended to fully exercise the powers attached to the presidency rather than govern under the shadow of a more dominant political personality.
The decision may also represent an attempt to consolidate state authority, reassure institutional actors and prevent the emergence of dual centers of power capable of paralysing governance. Yet the move is not without danger.
Sonko still commands significant grassroots support and retains strong influence within sections of PASTEF and among politically mobilized youth constituencies. His removal could deepen divisions inside the ruling coalition and potentially reshape Senegal’s political landscape ahead of future elections.
One of the major questions now facing Senegalese politics is whether PASTEF can survive the split without suffering a major internal fracture. Political history across Africa shows that when alliances forged in opposition reach power, tensions often emerge over authority, succession and control of state institutions.
Some party officials and elected representatives may rally behind the President, who controls the state apparatus and constitutional legitimacy. Others may remain loyal to Sonko due to his personal popularity and historical role in the movement’s rise.
The outcome of that struggle could determine whether Senegal experiences a relatively stable political recomposition or enters a prolonged period of institutional tension.
Another key factor will be public sentiment. During years of opposition politics, confrontation and political mobilisation energized large sections of the electorate. However, governing presents different expectations. Many Senegalese citizens now appear increasingly concerned with economic management, institutional stability, governance reforms and social calm rather than perpetual political conflict.
That shift may strengthen Diomaye’s position if he succeeds in presenting himself as a stabilizing statesman capable of governing above partisan rivalries. At the same time, any perception that Sonko has been politically sidelined or unfairly neutralized could trigger renewed political mobilisation among his supporters.
The crisis illustrates a recurring lesson in political systems across the world. Conquering power together is often easier than sharing it afterward. The Diomaye–Sonko alliance was extraordinarily effective as an opposition force united against a common adversary. But once in office, the unresolved question of who truly embodied executive authority became increasingly difficult to avoid.
What began as political complementarity gradually transformed into institutional competition.
The final outcome remains uncertain. Diomaye may emerge stronger by consolidating presidential authority, or Sonko could retain enough political capital to remain a major force capable of reshaping Senegal’s future political balance.
Either way, the rupture marks a turning point in Senegalese politics and may redefine the future trajectory of one of West Africa’s most closely watched democracies.
Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle
Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara
By: Zagazola Makama
The Zamfara State Police Command says it has successfully foiled a planned attack after its Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) unit discovered and safely destroyed an Improvised Explosive Device (IED) in Tsafe Local Government Area of the state.
The Command said the operation was carried out on Friday at about 4:15 p.m. along the Kunchin Kalgo axis following credible intelligence received through community engagement efforts.
According to a statement issued by the Command, operatives of the Violence Crime Response Unit (VCRU), in collaboration with the EOD team, swiftly mobilised to the area after receiving information about a suspected explosive device planted by bandits.
Preliminary findings indicated that the device was strategically planted along the road with the intent of causing mass casualties among commuters and other road users.
The statement added that the timely response of the operatives led to the safe detection, evacuation and controlled destruction of the explosive device before it could cause any harm.
The Command commended the vigilance and cooperation of local residents, describing community support as critical to ongoing security operations in the state.
It further assured residents that efforts were ongoing to identify, arrest and prosecute those responsible for planting the device.
The police also disclosed that patrols had been intensified across vulnerable areas to prevent similar incidents and ensure the safety of road users.
The Commissioner of Police, A.M. Bello, reiterated the Command’s commitment to sustained operations against banditry and other violent crimes in Zamfara State.
Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara
Russia’s Role in the Widening Insecurity in Africa
By Ipole Amajama
The African continent is once again at the centre of a geopolitical storm. From the Sahel to Nigeria, insecurity is spreading at an alarming speed, threatening fragile states and destabilising entire regions. While local dynamics and systemic weaknesses play a role, Russia’s involvement raises troubling questions about its motives and the consequences for Africa and beyond.
Nigeria faces a growing terrorist threat that is no longer confined to its borders. The collapse of governance in several states of the Alliance of Sahelian Juntas (AES) has created fertile ground for extremist groups. These failed states have become incubators of insecurity, exporting violence into neighbouring countries. The challenge is no longer whether to support or oppose the junta, but how to deal with their failures and the regional consequences of their isolation.
Russia’s actions in Africa reveal a clear pattern: its primary aim is not to stabilise the continent but to create a secondary frontline against the West. By fostering instability in Africa, Moscow seeks to divert European attention and resources away from Ukraine. The Kremlin’s involvement is less about partnership and more about exploiting chaos for strategic advantage.
This raises a critical question: is Russia simply incapable of offering meaningful support, or is it deliberately spreading insecurity? The evidence suggests that Moscow benefits from turmoil in Africa, whether by design or by opportunism.
Whatever happens in Africa has little direct impact on Russia. The continent is geographically distant, and Russia’s economic ties with African nations are minimal. In fact, Africa’s collapse could even benefit Moscow. African oil, gas, and mineral exports compete with Russia’s own. If insecurity disrupts African production, global prices rise—strengthening Russia’s export revenues.
Europe, however, bears the brunt of Africa’s instability. Migratory pressure from conflict zones is already reshaping European politics. Far-right parties, often sympathetic to Russia, are gaining ground in countries like France and the UK. By exacerbating insecurity in Africa, Moscow indirectly fuels migration flows that influence European voters. This strategy weakens European unity and undermines support for Ukraine.
From a Russian perspective, encouraging instability in Africa is a shrewd way to manipulate European politics. The more Africans flee insecurity and attempt to reach Europe, the greater the strain on European societies. This pressure amplifies populist narratives, strengthens far-right movements, and erodes mainstream political consensus. Since many far-right parties are pro-Russia, the Kremlin gains strategic leverage by destabilising Africa.
Russia’s record in the Sahel is damning. It has done nothing to fight terrorism. Instead, it has encouraged juntas to isolate themselves from the international community, sever ties with African neighbours, and expel Western intelligence and military support. In exchange, the Sahel states received nothing of substance. Russian involvement has failed to improve security, governance, or economic conditions. On the contrary, the situation has worsened.
It is difficult to determine whether Russia is acting with malicious intent or simply behaving irresponsibly. Either way, the outcome is the same: worsening insecurity. Moscow’s promises of support have proven empty. Its presence has deepened instability, leaving African populations more vulnerable than before.
The hypothesis of a cynical will to facilitate insecurity cannot be dismissed. Russia appears to be the only clear winner of Africa’s suffering. By exploiting chaos, Moscow strengthens its geopolitical position, increases its export revenues, and undermines European resolve.
The lesson is stark: Africa must never again rely on a self-proclaimed outside “saviour.” Russia’s involvement has shown that external powers may prioritise their own interests over African stability. The continent must instead build resilience through self-reliance and multilateral cooperation.
African nations should pursue balanced partnerships that preserve freedom of action. By engaging with multiple partners—regional organisations, international institutions, and diverse allies—Africa can avoid dependency and secure more effective support. Only through collective action can African states confront terrorism, strengthen governance, and protect their sovereignty.
Russia’s role in Africa is not about solidarity or development. It is about exploiting insecurity to advance its global strategy. By destabilising Africa, Moscow weakens Europe, strengthens far-right allies, and boosts its own economic position. Whether through negligence or deliberate manipulation, Russia has worsened Africa’s plight.
The challenge for Africa is to recognise this reality and chart a new path. The continent must rely on itself, build multilateral frameworks, and reject the false promises of external saviours. Only then can Africa safeguard its future and prevent its suffering from being weaponised to serve foreign ambitions.
Amajama, a social commentator, writes from Abuja and can be reached via amajamaip@gmail.com
Russia’s Role in the Widening Insecurity in Africa
Buni approved the appointment of Yerima as the new emir of Ngazargamu.
By: Yahaya Wakili
Governor Mai Mala Buni CON, COMN of Yobe state has approved the appointment of Alhaji Yerima Ibn Mahmud as the new Emir of Ngazargamu.
This is contained in a statement signed and issued today, 12th June, 2026, by the acting secretary to the state government, Dr. Mohammed Goje, in Damaturu.
The appointment of the new emir of Ngazargamu followed the demise of the late emir, Alhaji Tijjani Ahmed Ibn-Saleh Geidam, who passed away recently in Cairo, Egypt, after a protracted illness.
Until his appointment, the new Mai Ngazargamu was the Turakin Ngazargamu, an office he held for 16 years. He was also a member of the State House of Assembly.
The new emir of Ngazargamu, Alhaji Yerima Ibn Mahmud, has at different times served as a member of the State Executive Council and the state commissioner for livestock development before the new appointment.
Governor Mai Mala Buni, while congratulating the new emir and the Ngazargamu emirate, urged the new emir to use his wealth of experience to unite the people, promote peace and peaceful coexistence, and foster economic growth of the emirate, Yobe State, and Nigeria as a whole.
Similarly, Governor Buni called on the people to support the new emir to execute the functions of his office diligently, effectively, and efficiently for the benefit of the people, peace, unity, and prosperity of the emirate.
Buni approved the appointment of Yerima as the new emir of Ngazargamu.
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