Politics
1999 constitution skewed in favour of the North – Eminent Nigerians

1999 constitution skewed in favour of the North – Eminent Nigerians
By: Our Reporter
EMINENT Nigerians, including former Chief of Staff, Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe (retd); former Governor of Plateau State, Jonah Jang; Second Republic Senator, Professor Banji Akintoye; President-General of Ohaneze Ndigbo, Chief Nnia Nwodo; former Vice-Chairman of Arik Air, Senator Anietie Okon; Commodore Idongegist Nkanga, (retd); of PANDEF, the leader of Middle Belt Forum, Dr. Bitrus Pogu; former Minister, Prof. Yusuf Turaki and 121 others, yesterday, alleged that the 1999 constitution was skewed in favour of the North.
They also petitioned the United Nations Security Council, African Union, European Union, United States and the British Government on the need to urgently convoke a Sovereign National Conference to discuss the constitutionality of the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria and the 1914 Amalgamation of the Southern and Northern Nigeria within 90 days to save the people from oppression, stagnation and squalor.
The leaders said this after a meeting in Lagos.
The leaders, numbering 127, who spoke under the aegis of the Nigerian Indigenous Nationalities Alliance for Self-Determination, described the 1999 constitution as a fraud; an impunity, hijack and a confiscation of the sovereignties, powers and assets of the South and Middle Belt People of the country by those who clandestinely designed it.
The statement reads: “We gather here this day as Accredited Delegates of the Constituent Component Nationalities of Nigeria, under the aegis of Nigerian Indigenous Nationalities Alliance for Self-Determination, being a Joint-Cooperation Framework for the Self-Determination Initiatives of the Southern and Middle-Belt of Nigeria on behalf of our Various Peoples and Interests, to Pronounce an end to our toleration of Nigeria’s Unitary Constitutional Order, Unilaterally Imposed and Forcefully Maintained by a Section of the Nigerian country, in negation of the federal basis upon which Nigeria became one political union at independence in 1960, and in brutal subjugation of our collective sovereignties currently being forcefully and fraudulently appropriated by the Nigerian State.
“We gather here today before the global community, to formally proclaim a sovereignty dispute in rejection of the further operation of the imposed, unity constitutional arrangements of Nigeria and in assertion of our inalienable right to self-determination.
“The History of the Colonial beginnings of Nigeria as a Commercial Venture of some Colonial Masters is too well-known to admit of any further repetitions here but suffice it to recall:
“That the manipulations that went into the Flawed Foundations laid in the 1914 Amalgamation of the Protectorates of Southern Nigeria with the Protectorate of Northern Nigeria, created a lopsided Union, locking the Diverse Peoples of Nigeria into one Political Union with two mortally opposed civilizations.
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“That as Independence approached in 1960, the Diversities of the Various Peoples of the Nigerian Union Dictated the Adoption of the Federal Constitutional Model by the then three largely Autonomous Regions, (namely Eastern, Western and Northern Regions of Nigeria) as the Basis of entering Into Independence as one Political Union in 1960.
“That amidst the early strains of Post-Independence Nigeria arising mainly from the aforementioned Foundational and Pre-Independence manipulations by the Colonial Rulers of the Nigerian Union, the Military coups of 1966 Truncated the Federal Constitutional Basis of Nigeria and plunged the fledgling Union into a catastrophic 30-Month War with it’s Breakaway Eastern Region between 1967 and 1970, triggered by disputations around the terms of the Nigerian Union and leaving in its trail, human carnage in excess of 3million people and a fractured Union now resting on an Unworkable Unitary Constitutional Order Imposed in 1979, by the Fiat of the illicit “Federal Government” which emerged since the 1966 Collapse of the Federation of Nigeria, Forcefully Hijacking and Confiscating the Sovereignties of the Constituent Component Regions of Nigeria that Federated their Sovereignties in 1960.
“That the Prevailing 1999 Constitution of Nigeria which was a wholesale adoption of the 1979 edition via Decree No.24 of 1999, revalidated and reinforced the aforementioned Hijack and confiscation of the Sovereignties, Powers and Assets of the Four Erstwhile Federating Regions by the aforementioned Illicit Federal Government of Nigeria which by Decrees, fractured the Four Regions into 36 States, that are completely emasculated by a 68-Item Federal Exclusive Legislative List that Comprehensively strip the Federating States of All Key Economic Assets and Governmental Powers, thereby creating a totally dysfunctional, corruption-prone, over-centralized system that has failed in every respect, manifesting in Gross Insecurity, Decayed Infrastructure and Mass Impoverishment such that Nigeria, with its Vast Human and Material Resource Endowments, has now emerged as the poverty capital of the world as well as the Global Leading Example of a failed state.
“There is a countrywide consensus against the Unitary Constitutional Arrangements Imposed incrementally on Nigeria by a combination of Guile, Brute Force and Impunity between 1966 and 1999 now codified by the 1999 Constitution. This countrywide consensus had manifested in Several Unilateral Regional and Joint Multi-Regional Actions in Repudiation and Rejection of the Unitary 1999 Constitution of Nigeria:
“The first indication was when in year 2000, the 12 contiguous states of the far North, Simultaneously Imposed and began to implement Sharia in their 3 Domains against the express provision of the 1999 Constitution which in Section 10, forbids the adoption of any state religion. This translates to a unilateral secession from the Secular Union of Nigeria.
“Between 2005 and 2006, a Sovereign Conference of the Ethnic Nationalities of Nigeria, Convened by the Pro-National Conference Organizations (PRONACO), Deliberated exhaustively and produced A Draft Peoples’ Constitution 2006, which had the potential of restoring Nigeria to it’s damaged Federal Foundations. Though Ignored by successive federal governments in Nigeria, that draft became the New Federating consensus against the Prevailing Unitary Constitutional Order in Nigeria.
“It is pertinent to note that across all the Regions of Nigeria, various Socio-Cultural and Ethnic-Interests Vanguard Organizations have also been vehement in expressing the Constitutional Grievances of their own People, (some even violently), thus on the Yoruba side, we have the Afenifere, the Yoruba Elders Council (YCE), Agbekoya, the Yoruba Liberation Command, (YOLICOM), YWC and many more including the ILANA OMO OODUA which now aggregates Several Yoruba Self-Determination Initiatives across the World.
“In the Eastern part of Southern Nigeria, we have Ohanaeze, Movement for the Survival of the Ijaw Ethnic Nationality in the Niger Delta (MOSIEND); Ijaw National Congress, (INC); Ijaw Youth Council (IYC); PANDEF, Midwest Movement, the Niger Delta Peoples Volunteer Force, (NDPVF), MEND, MASSOB, IPOB, others. In the Middle-Belt, we have the Middle-Belt Forum, (MBF), MBC, SOKAPU, CONAECDA and many others.
“Several notable Statesmen in Nigeria including Generals Olusegun Obasanjo and Yakubu Gowon, both (former Heads of State) have lent their voices to the urgent imperative of the Fundamental Reworking of the Damaged Constitutional Basis of Nigeria, warning that any further delay may lead to the catastrophic collapse of the Distressed Nigerian Union.
“Nigeria’s Former Defence Minister, Lt. Gen. Theophilus Danjuma, (retd) had also urged the Indigenous Peoples of Nigeria facing the Ethnic Cleansing Onslaught of the Murderous invaders to defend themselves and their lands in the face of obvious collusion of the Federal Government of Nigeria and its Armed Forces with the Fulani invaders. In the aftermath of the October 2020 #EndSARS Protests many, including the Nigerian Christian Elders Forum (NCEF) now insist that Nigeria needs to be renegotiated.
“On specific constitutional grievances touching on the sovereignties of the constituent components of the federation of Nigeria, the leaders opined that:
“The claim in the Preamble to the 1999 Constitution that ‘We the People’ Firmly and Solemnly Resolved to live in One Political Union and that we Enacted and Gave Ourselves the 1999 Constitution, is self-evidently false as the Decree No 24 of 1999 by which the so-called 1999 Constitution was Promulgated, outlined step-by-step, the Process by which the author of the 1999 Constitution, the Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council, came about the Document it labeled “the 1999 Constitution. This is a criminal usurpation of the sovereignties of the constituent components whose Exclusive Right it is to make for themselves the Constitution by which they will federate and be governed, as an incident of their sovereignty.
Even by the admission of the 1999 Constitution at Section 14(2)(a), “Sovereignty Belongs to the People, from whom, Government, through this Constitution Derive all its Powers and Authority.
“This is the fountain from which all other constitutional grievances flow and there is no other remedy to this particular grievance than an autochthonous process by which the constituent components will submit their peoples and their lands into a union, and also stipulate the terms of that union, to be ratified by referendums and plebiscites.”
1999 constitution skewed in favour of the North – Eminent Nigerians
Politics
The NLC vs. Shettima: A Misplaced Blame Game in Labor Rights

The NLC vs. Shettima: A Misplaced Blame Game in Labor Rights
By: Dr. James Bwala
The National Labour Congress (NLC) has taken a critical stance against Vice President Kashim Shettima, alleging that he is shielding Aliko Dangote, a prominent industrialist, from the enforcement of labor laws. This assertion has sparked a heated debate regarding the role of government officials in upholding worker rights and the actual motivations behind the NLC’s criticisms. At first glance, the accusations may seem valid, but a deeper analysis reveals numerous inconsistencies and suggests that the NLC itself might be misdirecting its frustrations and VP Kashim Shettima is right.
I read the lines from a caption on Vanguard Newspapers with deep thoughts; it is imperative to understand the context in which these accusations have been made. The Nigerian labor landscape has faced significant challenges, particularly in the oil sector, where safety, remuneration, and working conditions have been contentious issues. The PENGASAN (Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria) is at the forefront of advocating for oil workers’ rights, and any perceived negligence by government officials, including top leadership, can understandably provoke outrage among its members. However, the NLC’s allegations appear to be more rooted in political maneuvering than substantive labor advocacy.
The NLC’s response to Shettima’s alleged protection of Dangote suggests a failure to appreciate the complexities of governance and the intersection between industry and labor rights. Shettima, as the Vice President, operates within a framework that requires balancing economic growth with labor rights. Dangote Industries represents a significant pillar of the Nigerian economy, contributing to job creation and fiscal revenue. Therefore, while it is vital for labor laws to be upheld, it is equally important to recognize the economic context in which these laws operate. Shielding an influential businessman like Dangote may not necessarily equate to an abandonment of labor rights; instead, it may reflect a broader strategy aimed at sustaining economic stability.
The notion that the NLC is advocating purely for the rights of oil workers becomes questionable when one considers the alleged “trickling profits of PENGASAN.” If NLC leaders are indeed benefiting from the very system they claim to challenge, it raises serious ethical questions about their motivations. Are they genuinely committed to improving labor conditions, or are they merely leveraging their position for personal gain? This potential conflict of interest dilutes the message of the NLC and raises skepticism regarding its criticisms of high-profile figures like Shettima.
One must also consider the implications of a targeted campaign against Dangote. The business environment in Nigeria is already fraught with challenges, including regulatory hurdles, corruption, and infrastructural deficits. Discrediting essential businesses and their leadership could have far-reaching consequences for the economy, disproportionately affecting the very workers the NLC claims to represent. Instead of pursuing a confrontational approach, dialogues and negotiations with industry leaders may lead to more fruitful outcomes for workers. The NLC should consider strategies that involve cooperative engagement rather than baseless allegations, fostering a climate of collaboration that can yield real improvements in labor conditions.
The existing labor laws in Nigeria need to be reevaluated and perhaps revised to meet the changing dynamics of the workforce. In their current form, many of these legislations do not adequately address modern workplace realities. The NLC must prioritize reforming these laws to ensure they protect workers effectively without stifling economic growth. By focusing efforts on legislative improvement rather than personal attacks, the NLC could present itself as a constructive force in the labor movement, focusing on solutions rather than scapegoats.
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The NLC’s criticism does not only undermine its integrity but can also alienate potential allies in the quest for labor reform. Kashim Shettima, being part of the government, could be an instrumental ally in driving positive changes in labor laws if approached correctly. The decision to position him as an antagonist may close off avenues for potential collaboration and thwart progress in labor advocacy. The NLC risks marginalizing itself and losing the support of the very workers it strives to help by adopting this combative strategy.
Critics of Shettima argue that the vice president should unequivocally stand against influential businessmen who disregard labor laws. However, this perspective overlooks the intricacies of leadership and the need for strategic alliances in governance. While Shettima has a duty to uphold labor rights, he also has to consider the broader economic implications of his actions. A nuanced approach to labor relations, taking into account the economic realities facing Nigeria, will ultimately benefit workers more than knee-jerk reactions and targeted blame assessments.
For many Nigerians, it is crucial to acknowledge that the responsibility of upholding labor rights does not lie solely on government officials. Businesses, including Dangote’s, must also take accountability for ensuring fair labor practices within their operations. There is a shared responsibility among all stakeholders—government, labor unions, and businesses—to create a sustainable framework for labor rights. Thus, instead of vilifying individuals, conversations should be directed toward fostering a culture of compliance and ethical practice across all sectors.
While the concerns raised by the NLC regarding labor rights are undoubtedly valid, blaming Vice President Kashim Shettima for allegedly shielding Dangote oversimplifies a multifaceted issue. The NLC must critically evaluate its position, recognizing that effective labor advocacy involves collaboration, dialogue, and a commitment to reforming existing laws for the benefit of all. Rather than waging a dispute based on political posturing, stakeholders should unite in the pursuit of a healthier labor environment that respects both workers’ rights and the economic imperatives of the nation. By doing so, they can transform the narrative from one of contention to a shared vision for progress, ensuring that the interests of Nigerian workers are met with both compassion and pragmatism.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
The NLC vs. Shettima: A Misplaced Blame Game in Labor Rights
Politics
VP Kashim Shettima: In President Tinubu’s words, “Competent, Capable, Reliable, and Able.”

VP Kashim Shettima: In President Tinubu’s words, “Competent, Capable, Reliable, and Able.”
By: Dr. James Bwala
In the contemporary landscape of Nigerian politics, the choice of leadership partners has become a critical discussion point, especially in light of the recent election that brought President Bola Ahmed Tinubu into office. When asked about his selection of Kashim Shettima as vice president, Tinubu articulated four words: competent, capable, reliable, and able. These descriptors not only reflect Shettima’s professional credentials but also signify a deliberate strategy aimed at revitalizing the hope of Nigerians for effective governance. Emphasizing these qualities offers a compelling argument in favor of Shettima’s appointment while countering any skepticism stemming from opposition narratives.
To begin with, the term “competent” underscores the necessity of skill and expertise in governance. Shettima’s track record as the former governor of Borno State is a noteworthy testament to his competence. He served during a period when the state faced severe challenges, particularly due to the Boko Haram insurgency. His ability to implement policies that fostered socio-economic development amidst chaos illustrates not only his technical acumen but also his adeptness in crisis management. This experience is pivotal for Nigeria, a nation grappling with issues ranging from security to economic recession. Competence in leadership ensures that policies are not merely theoretical constructs but actionable strategies tailored to address the nuances of Nigeria’s complex societal fabric.

Shettima’s capability extends beyond mere professional qualifications; it encompasses a unique blend of vision and pragmatism. The socio-political context of Nigeria is fraught with multifaceted challenges that require innovative yet realistic solutions. Shettima has shown an understanding of this intricate balance through various initiatives he spearheaded as governor. His administration focused on infrastructural development, education, and health care—all essential pillars for national growth. By choosing a partner who demonstrates such capability, Tinubu is not just making a political statement; he is assembling a team prepared to confront Nigeria’s pressing issues with informed solutions and strategic planning.
Reliability is another crucial aspect that Tinubu highlights in describing Shettima. In politics, reliability is often synonymous with trustworthiness and consistency. Shettima’s tenure in public service has been characterized by accountability and transparency, traits that are increasingly vital in a political arena often marred by corruption and scandals. For the Nigerian populace to invest their hopes in a new administration, they must feel assured that their leaders are dependable. Shettima’s history of fulfilling promises and maintaining integrity throughout his career establishes him as a figure of reliability—a necessary trait in a vice president who is often required to step into the president’s shoes.

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The word “able” encapsulates the essence of readiness and capability to perform in high-pressure environments. An able vice president must not only support the president but also be prepared to take the helm in case of unforeseen circumstances. Shettima’s diverse experiences, encompassing governance, public policy, and even crisis intervention, equip him to adapt and respond aptly to any situation. This versatility is paramount as Nigeria undergoes transformations that demand agile responses from its leadership. The pandemic, economic downturns, and security crises present scenarios where an able leader can make significant differences in outcomes.
Critics may argue that Shettima’s background, particularly his association with the All Progressives Congress (APC) and the political turmoil in Borno State, tarnishes his reputation. However, such assertions fail to acknowledge the broader context of his accomplishments and the essential qualities that define his leadership. Political affiliations should not overshadow individual merit. Shettima’s resume includes innovative approaches to governance that have garnered both regional and national recognition, proving that his capabilities extend beyond partisan lines.

Amidst opposition claims, it is crucial to recognize that discourse surrounding leadership choices often reflects broader political machinations rather than genuine concerns for national welfare. The framing of Shettima as someone unfit for the vice presidency serves more to galvanize opposition factions than to serve the interests of the Nigerian people. The essence of democracy lies in constructive dialogue and debate, yet dismissive rhetoric without substantial evidence is counterproductive. As citizens engage with political narratives, it is vital to discern between legitimate criticisms and those motivated by the desire to undermine progress. We have seen that in those coming on air to push it from a myopic mind.
For those still talking as we look towards the 2027 general elections, it becomes essential to reiterate that the terms “competence,” “capability,” “reliability,” and “ability” are not mere buzzwords—they are the very foundation upon which effective governance rests. Shettima embodies these attributes, positioning him as an invaluable partner in Tinubu’s vision for a renewed hope for Nigeria. The country faces numerous challenges, and only through a collaborative and well-equipped leadership can Nigeria navigate its path toward prosperity.

As citizens, it is incumbent upon us to critically assess our leaders and their choices, demanding accountability while remaining vigilant against unfounded allegations that seek to derail progress. By focusing on tangible results and the attributes that make effective leaders, we can foster a political culture that values competence and integrity over opportunism. The clarion call for partnership, led by Tinubu and Shettima, emphasizes the notion that effective governance requires teamwork, resilience, and a steadfast commitment to the people of Nigeria. In this shared journey, every Nigerian has a role to play in holding their leaders accountable, ensuring that hope translates not merely into rhetoric but into real, actionable change that uplifts the nation as a whole.
* James Bwala, Ph.D., writes from Abuja.
VP Kashim Shettima: In President Tinubu’s words, “Competent, Capable, Reliable, and Able.”
Politics
2027: There Is a Shift in Northern Support Towards Tinubu and Shettima

2027: There Is a Shift in Northern Support Towards Tinubu and Shettima
By: Dr. James Bwala
Recently, the evolving political dynamics in Northern Nigeria ahead of the 2027 presidential election reveal a significant shift in support towards President Bola Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima. This change challenges earlier apprehensions surrounding the Muslim-Muslim ticket, which faced considerable criticism in 2023 for potentially alienating key Christian constituencies within the North-Central and Middle Belt regions. Contrary to these concerns, influential political groups such as the North-Central APC Forum have expressed robust backing for the Tinubu-Shettima ticket, citing sustained regional support driven by strategic appointments of prominent Christian leaders and tangible governance achievements.
I recalled sitting in the congregation on a Sunday morning earlier this year and listening to the preacher. His words struck me with the assurance of faith in the APC administration. It solidifies my continuous advocacy that Nigeria is on the path of the renewed hope promised by the Tinubu and Shettima administration. The charges on the direction this administration is taking and what they were able to achieve further strengthen my appeal for confidence that, like never before in the history of this great country, we have found leaders who are truly committed to bringing back our long-lost hope by the renewal initiative the Tinubu and Kashim Shettima leadership is taking to every doorstepacross Nigeria. A hope—long lost in leadership—is found here with Tinubu and Shettima.
He spoke also on the lingering political questions between the president and his vice, describing the permutations around the rift within the first and second families and predictions by certain classes and groups as evil seeds, which can never come to pass. This has come true with the message of goodwill from President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to Vice President Kashim Shettima during the celebration of his 59th birthday. Indeed, the silence that greeted those hoping to see Kashim Shettima replaced confirms the preacher’s testament. The retention of Shettima as running mate is seen not only as a continuation of a winning formula but also as a critical factor in consolidating northern votes estimated to reach up to 90% in certain areas. Indeed, the endorsements from coalitions like the Northern Progressives Coalition underscore an emerging consensus that transcends previous religious and ethnic fault lines, suggesting a recalibration of political allegiances based on performance and perceived stability.
This transition is primarily influenced by several factors, including the performance of previous leaders, regional interests, and the appeal of Tinubu and Shettima as candidates. The North has historically been a vital political bloc in Nigeria. Its immense population translates to significant voting power. Despite the appeal by the coalition leaders, the dissatisfaction of northern voters with candidates like Atiku Abubakar, Nasir el-Rufai, and Peter Obi has been growing. Atiku, a veteran politician, has repeatedly contested for the presidency without achieving success. Many in the North may feel fatigued by his long political career and perceive a lack of fresh ideas or strategies to solve pressing issues.
On the other hand, El-Rufai, despite his role as the Governor of Kaduna State, is often criticized for his handling of security challenges in the region. The North has faced a surge in violence, kidnappings, and terrorism over the years, and some citizens believe el-Rufai’s policies were inadequate. Consequently, confidence in him has diminished as voters seek more reliable leadership in times of crisis.For Mr. Peter Obi, a former governor of Anambra State, he gained popularity due to his focus on education and economic reforms. However, his appeal may not resonate as strongly in the North, where issues such as security and religious sentiments are of greater concern. As people evaluate their choices, they may prioritize candidates who can address these critical issues effectively.
Whether the opposition agrees or not, those who have been following development in Nigeria know that President Bola Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima present a promising alternative for Northern voters. Both have established political careers. Tinubu, a former governor of Lagos State, is known for his influential political machinery and his ability to build alliances across parties. Shettima, his running mate, has been involved in addressing the Boko Haram insurgency during his tenure as governor of Borno State. Their combined experience appeals to voters who are weary of ineffective leadership and are looking for pragmatic solutions to Nigeria’s challenges.
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The regional loyalty also plays a crucial role in the upcoming elections. The North may feel inclined to support candidates who are capable of uniting Nigeria. Tinubu and Shettima’s collaborative approach could foster a sense of national cohesion, further solidifying their candidacy in the hearts of Northern voters. As the political landscape evolves in preparation for the 2027 elections, Tinubu and Shettima’s experience, strategies, and ability to address pressing concerns, as shown by their leadership styles, position them as formidable candidates, likely to gain substantial support from the North in the upcoming elections.
While the political trajectory of Nigeria’s presidency under Bola Tinubu and Vice President Kashim Shettima suggests a continued consolidation of power leading into the 2027 election. Observers and party insiders alike have expressed confidence that the duo will secure victory with a significantly wider margin than in the 2023 polls. This assertion is grounded in several factors, including Tinubu’s strategic governance approach, Shettima’s regional appeal, and their combined ability to maintain a broad coalition across Nigeria’s diverse electorate.
Despite initial controversies surrounding the Muslim-Muslim ticket, which some analysts feared could alienate key voter blocs, the administration has demonstrated inclusiveness and political dexterity that mitigate such concerns. The careful selection of Shettima as vice president was not only a move to balance regional interests but also to strengthen party unity and electoral prospects. Indeed, internal party structures such as those advocated by influential groups like the North-Central APC Forum highlight strong grassroots support for retaining this ticket, emphasizing their proven effectiveness in mobilizing voters across critical regions.
*James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
2027: There Is a Shift in Northern Support Towards Tinubu and Shettima
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