Connect with us

News

We are Not at War with Niger, Nigeriens- ECOWAS

Published

on

We are Not at War with Niger, Nigeriens- ECOWAS

By: Michael Mike

The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) has said the plan military action in Niger is not a war on the country or its people but to give them back the good they deserved.

Speaking at a press conference on Friday, the President of the ECOWAS Commission, Omar Alieu Touray said that the regional bloc has not taken and would never take any action against the interest of Niger.

He said: “We would like to use the opportunity to reassure the good people of Niger Republic that our major concern is for their welfare as we work assiduously to restore civilian rule and political stability in the country, and indeed in the other ECOWAS Member States currently under military rule, in the spirit of solidarity and collective security which is at the heart of our integration agenda.”

Touray lamented that: “Coup d’etat is a tragedy for our regional efforts at consolidating democracy after the political crises of the 90’s exemplified by the civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone. Through collective efforts of our community, the region was stabilized and the foundation for democracy and the rule of law restored.

“Indeed, until about three years ago, all leaders in the ECOWAS region were democratically elected. Unfortunately, the ill winds of coups started blowing again recently and the region has experienced three successful coups and two failed coups. The current development in the Republic of Niger adds to the list of attempted coups d’état in the region. So, you can understand why the Heads of State and Government have decided that this is one coup too many and resolved that it was time to end the contagion. The situation in the Republic of Niger is particularly unfortunate as it comes at a time the country is doing comparatively well in terms of security and economic growth.”

Justifying the decision on the planned deployment of the standby force, Touray said: “The ECOWAS security architecture, which has informed other security arrangements within and outside the region, is anchored on a number of instruments. These include the 1991 ECOWAS Declaration of Political Principles; the Revised ECOWAS Treaty of 1993, the 1999 ECOWAS Protocol relating to the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security as well as the 2001 Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance.

“The deployment of the ECOWAS Standby force is provided for in the 1999 Mechanism. Specifically, Article 25 expressly stipulates the conditions for the deployment of such a force. Among other conditions, the article provides that the force can be deployed ‘in the event of… an overthrow or an attempted overthrow of a democratically elected government.’ Furthermore, the Supplementary Act of 2012 also provides for sanctions to be invoked against members that fail to honour their obligations to ECOWAS. It also provides for the use of legitimate force in the restoration of constitutional order. Niger Republic is a signatory to all these instruments. Those who challenge the legality of the decision of ECOWAS Heads of State need to do more research.”

He explained that: “In taking its decision of 30th July and 10th August 2023, the Authority of Heads of State and government was only activating these provisions. Unfortunately, this decision has been taken out of context and repeatedly misrepresented in the media as a declaration of war against Niger Republic or a planned invasion of the country. It is even tragic that some influential persons in the Community have promoted this narrative which has been hyped in the social media as the gospel truth. These persons have conveniently ignored the strenuous efforts of the community to engage with the junta to reverse the attempted coup.”

He added that: “For the avoidance of doubt, let me state unequivocally that ECOWAS has neither declared war on the people of Niger nor is there a plan, as it is being purported, to ‘invade’ the country. The ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government has only activated a full-scale application of sanctions which includes the use of legitimate force to restore constitutional order.”

He said: “In the interim, the region is employing other elements of its instruments and engaging with the military authorities as can be attested to by the several missions that have been fielded to the country and our joint efforts with our partners, including the African Union and the UN. We are hopeful that these diplomatic efforts will yield the desired outcome and make it unnecessary for the deployment of the force.”

Touray while stating that there is no specified date for the use of force to return democratic governance back to Niger, said the military option is still on the table.

He said: “Nonetheless, preparations continue towards making the force ready for deployment. Consequently, the technical arms of the decision-making organs, which include the Committee of Chiefs of Defence Staff have also been directed to prepare the community enforcement mechanism in case it becomes compelling to deploy the force.”

He however said: “We believe that even now it is not too late for the military to reconsider its action and listen to the voice of reason as the regional leaders will not condone a coup d’état. ECOWAS also wishes to remind them of their responsibility for the security and safety of President Bazoum, members of his family and government.

“At this juncture let me reiterate that the real issue is the determination of the community to halt the spiral of coups d’etat in the region. We are all brothers irrespective of the artificial borders but the rule of law has to be upheld.

“The uncontitutional action of the military has plunged the people of Niger into serious socio-economic crises. In other words, Nigeriens are suffering today because a section of the military, which should be focused on its constitutional role, decided to hijack the political institutions and subvert democracy.

“The truth is, neither Niger nor the West African sub region needs such a major distraction at this time and we would all like to see the defence and security forces of Niger Republic immediately return to their constitutional role, a role in which they have performed creditably as exemplified in their fight against terrorism and sterling performance in the Multinational Joint Tasks Force in the Lake Chad Basin Area, and in many areas within the Liptako-Gourma region.

“The decision of the Heads of State and Government to activate the clause providing for the application of legitimate force in Niger was reached only after due consideration of how political dialogue alone has unfortunately failed to deter coup plotters in the region. The precedents in Mali, Guinea and Burkina Faso are unsettling and underline the reason why the Community was obliged to take such a hard but legitimate stance, backed by the ‘ECOWAS Community law which I must stress again was subscribed to by all the Member States, including Niger Republic.

“The actions of the Community have been guided by a recognition of the Community’s obligation within the context of the spirit of solidarity and collective responsibility that underlines the ECOWAS integration arrangement. We recognize Republic of Niger as an important member of the ECOWAS family, and it remains so to date. It is not a target for destruction by ECOWAS, and ECOWAS will never allow the people of Niger to suffer in the hands of enemies within or without.

We are deeply concerned about the wellbeing of the people and the country. Historically, military administrations have not demonstrated any capacity to better deal with complex political, social and security challenges. The security situation in countries under military government have rather deteriorated, as national territories are being lost to terrorists under their administration even though this has become the main justification for their intervention.

“In most cases, the rights and freedom of the citizens are also inevitably curtailed, with arbitrary arrests, detentions, and use of excessive force becoming the order of the day. The social cohesion in these countries is weakening by the day and it will take years to restore. We do not want this in Niger Republic.

He however lamented that “fifth columnists have unfortunately been misrepresenting our decisions and actions, deriding regional authorities as being tele-guided by foreign powers with nefarious intentions. Let me remind everyone that ECOWAS is a community of rules and regulations, norms, and values.
“These principles, which have been accumulated over the 48 years of its existence, and they underpin its actions. It is undeniable that these admirable principles have made the region an exemplar among Regional Economic Communities within and outside Africa, and many look up to it for inspiration. We are therefore not under the dictate of any extra-regional power or interests. Our interest is rather the protection of the rights of our people with the objective of building a rules-based community and fostering peace and prosperity for all in our region.”

He added that: “So, while we are determined to bend over backwards to accommodate diplomatic efforts, we are not unaware of the true intentions of some of the members of the Niger junta. At first, they snubbed our diplomatic efforts but recently began to show signs of being amenable, only for them to take a dangerous path by putting in place a government, and an unacceptable transition timeline.

He said that “the decision of the ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government, which is currently chaired by HE Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, is to work for the peaceful restoration of civilian rule in Niger Republic without any delay and to use all the instruments at the disposal of ECOWAS towards the attainment of this goal.

“As for the other countries in transition, namely Mali, Burkina Faso and Guinea, ECOWAS will continue to support their transition processes, as directed by
the ECOWAS Authority of Heads of State and Government. We will continue to support their fight against terrorism to ensure the restoration of democracy, peace, and security in our community. We will also continue to work with them on their agreed transition timetables.”

He said: “Regarding the mercenaries, let me say this, ECOWAS and the African continent as a whole stand against the use of private military contractors and again, we have continental instruments as against the use of private military contractors on the continent.”

We are Not at War with Niger, Nigeriens- ECOWAS

Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

News

Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

Published

on

Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

By: Zagazola Makama

The dismissal of Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye marks the culmination of a political rupture that many observers had long considered unavoidable.

What once appeared to be one of the strongest political alliances in contemporary Senegalese politics gradually evolved into a tense rivalry shaped less by ideology than by competing ambitions, institutional contradictions and the struggle for control of executive authority.

For months, tensions within the ruling camp had become increasingly visible. Though both men emerged from the same political movement and jointly embodied the rise of the PASTEF coalition against former President Macky Sall, the coexistence between a highly charismatic political mentor and a constitutionally empowered head of state proved difficult to sustain.

The crisis is anchored in a fundamental institutional reality:Senegal’s constitutional system ultimately concentrates executive legitimacy in the presidency.

While the Prime Minister exercises substantial governmental authority, the President remains the central pillar of executive power, deriving legitimacy directly from universal suffrage and serving as the supreme authority of the state.

Sources say that the conflict emerged because Sonko increasingly projected himself not merely as head of government, but as an alternative center of political gravity within the state apparatus.

Public speeches, political positioning and repeated demonstrations of personal influence created the perception that two competing executives were operating simultaneously within the same administration.

In highly presidential systems, such arrangements rarely survive for long.

Political theorists have often observed that leaders who attain supreme office tend to resist the emergence of rival figures whose popularity, influence or visibility may overshadow their own authority. The situation in Senegal increasingly reflected that classic tension between institutional legitimacy and political charisma.

Sonko’s political trajectory has long been built around a populist and confrontational style that resonated strongly with segments of Senegalese youth and anti-establishment voters. His appeal stemmed from a mixture of direct rhetoric, anti-system positioning, nationalist discourse and his ability to embody political resistance during years of confrontation with the former administration.

However, the same qualities that fueled his rise may also have contributed to his political isolation. Sourcds note that charismatic populist figures often struggle to adapt from opposition politics to the discipline and compromise required in governance. A political strategy built around constant confrontation can become difficult to reconcile with the institutional restraints of executive power-sharing.

Over time, Sonko appeared increasingly convinced that he remained the true engine behind the ruling coalition’s legitimacy and electoral success. That perception may have encouraged attempts to expand his political influence beyond the traditional boundaries of the prime ministerial office.

For President Diomaye Faye, allowing such an imbalance to persist carried political risks.

The removal of Sonko ultimately reaffirmed a basic constitutional principle, regardless of personal popularity, a Prime Minister remains subordinate to presidential authority in Senegal’s current institutional framework.

By dismissing his Prime Minister, Diomaye signaled that he intended to fully exercise the powers attached to the presidency rather than govern under the shadow of a more dominant political personality.

The decision may also represent an attempt to consolidate state authority, reassure institutional actors and prevent the emergence of dual centers of power capable of paralysing governance. Yet the move is not without danger.

Sonko still commands significant grassroots support and retains strong influence within sections of PASTEF and among politically mobilized youth constituencies. His removal could deepen divisions inside the ruling coalition and potentially reshape Senegal’s political landscape ahead of future elections.

One of the major questions now facing Senegalese politics is whether PASTEF can survive the split without suffering a major internal fracture. Political history across Africa shows that when alliances forged in opposition reach power, tensions often emerge over authority, succession and control of state institutions.

Some party officials and elected representatives may rally behind the President, who controls the state apparatus and constitutional legitimacy. Others may remain loyal to Sonko due to his personal popularity and historical role in the movement’s rise.

The outcome of that struggle could determine whether Senegal experiences a relatively stable political recomposition or enters a prolonged period of institutional tension.

Another key factor will be public sentiment. During years of opposition politics, confrontation and political mobilisation energized large sections of the electorate. However, governing presents different expectations. Many Senegalese citizens now appear increasingly concerned with economic management, institutional stability, governance reforms and social calm rather than perpetual political conflict.

That shift may strengthen Diomaye’s position if he succeeds in presenting himself as a stabilizing statesman capable of governing above partisan rivalries. At the same time, any perception that Sonko has been politically sidelined or unfairly neutralized could trigger renewed political mobilisation among his supporters.

The crisis illustrates a recurring lesson in political systems across the world. Conquering power together is often easier than sharing it afterward. The Diomaye–Sonko alliance was extraordinarily effective as an opposition force united against a common adversary. But once in office, the unresolved question of who truly embodied executive authority became increasingly difficult to avoid.

What began as political complementarity gradually transformed into institutional competition.

The final outcome remains uncertain. Diomaye may emerge stronger by consolidating presidential authority, or Sonko could retain enough political capital to remain a major force capable of reshaping Senegal’s future political balance.

Either way, the rupture marks a turning point in Senegalese politics and may redefine the future trajectory of one of West Africa’s most closely watched democracies.

Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle

Continue Reading

News

Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

Published

on

Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

By Comrade Philip Ikodor

KADUNA – When a soldier falls in the line of duty, the echoes of the final salute eventually fade, but for the families left behind, a silent and grueling battle begins. While these brave men defended the nation’s sovereignty with courage, their widows are often left to navigate a minefield of poverty, trauma, and social isolation.

In a decisive move to address these challenges, the Ashlee Momoh Foundation (AMF) held a special outreach event at the Golden Orange Gate Hotel in Kaduna State on Thursday, May 21, 2026. The initiative sought to provide a lifeline to the families of departed heroes, framed not as charity, but as a profound national debt of gratitude.

The Chairperson and CEO of the Foundation, Princess Ashlee Momoh, emphasized that the AMF remains committed to ensuring no widow walks alone. She noted that the sacrifice of a soldier continues in the quiet hallways of homes where wives suddenly become sole providers.

“Many military widows face a daunting reality: sudden loss of income, housing insecurity, and a lack of access to specialized mental health support,” Princess Momoh stated. “Unless intentional interventions are made, these families remain trapped in a cycle of hardship that dishonors the legacy of the departed. Your story does not end in sorrow; it continues in purpose.”

Princess Momoh outlined the Foundation’s three strategic pillars designed to bridge the gap between loss and self-sufficiency:

Economic Independence: Providing small business grants, financial literacy, and vocational skills to restore dignity and autonomy.

Securing the Future: Offering scholarships and tuition assistance so that children do not pay for their fathers’ patriotism with their education. Emotional Fortitude: Establishing counseling and wellness groups to ensure widows are seen, heard, and sustained.

The Chairperson called for a “whole-of-society” approach, urging the government, private sector, and philanthropic organizations to join in collective action. While government intervention is pivotal, she noted that partnerships are essential to scaling the impact of these programs.

The event featured the distribution of empowerment gift items and the announcement of new scholarship awards. Prominent guests, partners and volunteers in attendance included Special Guests of Honor, Air Commodore Chris Dola (Rtd), PhD, and General Brown Yakubu (Rtd), CEO of Golden Orange Gate Hotel, both of whom delivered goodwill messages and also contributed immensely in support of the Foundation’s mission.

Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes

Continue Reading

News

Mali Protests Saudi Media Reports, Accuses Journalists of Sowing Disinformation

Published

on

Mali Protests Saudi Media Reports, Accuses Journalists of Sowing Disinformation

By: Zagazola Makama

The Government of Mali has lodged a formal diplomatic protest with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia over recent media reports concerning the security situation in northern Mali, particularly around the Kidal region.

The protest follows broadcasts by Saudi-based media outlets Al Arabiya and Al Hadath, which Bamako described as misleading and damaging to the image of the Malian Armed Forces (FAMa).

In a statement issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on May 17, 2026, the Malian authorities accused journalist Ibrahim Moustapha, correspondent for the two networks, of entering the country “illegally” and operating in “flagrant violation of Mali’s sovereignty.”

The government further alleged that the journalist may have had links with armed groups operating in the region, an accusation the authorities extended to the content of the reports aired by the networks, which Bamako described as “false, unfounded and aimed at undermining national institutions.”

The reports in question reportedly focused on security developments in northern Mali, including the Kidal axis, an area where state authority has faced persistent challenges from armed groups.

The diplomatic note also warned that such reporting could strain relations between Mali and Saudi Arabia, a country Bamako described as a “long-standing friend and partner.”

The development comes amid ongoing debate over press freedom and media access in Mali, where international organisations have repeatedly raised concerns about restrictions on journalists and shrinking civic space under the transitional authorities.

Observers note that Mali has in recent years tightened oversight of media operations through regulatory bodies, including suspensions of outlets and prosecutions linked to alleged dissemination of false information.

Bamako’s action has renewed discussion on the role of journalists in conflict zones, with media rights advocates maintaining that independent reporting remains a core element of international humanitarian law, provided journalists do not take part in hostilities.

Tensions reportedly escalated further after Al Arabiya broadcast footage showing Malian soldiers allegedly held captive in the north, a development the government also condemned as an infringement on national sovereignty.

While the Malian authorities maintain that media coverage must respect territorial integrity and security sensitivities, press freedom advocates argue that conflict reporting does not necessarily require prior authorisation from parties to a conflict.

The situation has raised concerns over possible diplomatic friction between Bamako and Riyadh, although no official response has yet been issued by the Saudi authorities or the media organisations involved.

Any prolonged disagreement could carry broader diplomatic and economic implications for Mali, which continues to navigate complex security and international relations challenges in the Sahel region.

Mali Protests Saudi Media Reports, Accuses Journalists of Sowing Disinformation

Continue Reading

Trending

Verified by MonsterInsights