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Celebrating the Legendary Malam Umaru A. Pate

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Celebrating the Legendary Malam Umaru A. Pate

By Hamza Idris

Tuesday, February 10, 2026, marks his last day as the Vice Chancellor of the Federal University Kashere, Gombe State.

The world saw him smiling as he bade farewell to the university community, as captured in stories and tributes by those who know him, and carried by multiple print and broadcast media platforms.

In journalism, his tenure at Kashere is what is aptly described as a success story, and his departure can fittingly be termed a glorious exit.

Many of us call him Malam as a mark of reverence because we find it very difficult to look into his eyes and call him Prof. The reason is simple: by the Grace of Allah, he made many of us what we are today.

Malam Pate was not alone in shaping our journey while we were at the Department of Mass Communication, University of Maiduguri (UNIMAID). We also had Malam Danjuma Gambo, Malam Abubakar Muazu, Malam Alhaji Musa Liman (late), Malam Mohammed Gujbawu (late), Malam Mustapha Mai Iyali, Malam Nasiru Abba Aji, Mr Udomiso, Mr Nwazuzu, Malam Musa Konduga, Malam Hassan A. Hassan, Madam Ramla (late), Malam Musa Giwa (late), and Malam Alabura (late). I hope I have got all the names correctly, among others. They all impacted our lives positively, and we remain eternally grateful.

But today is Malam Pate’s day, and HERE IS MY STORY ABOUT HIM, which I have told again and again at different fora, and which I am glad to tell once more today.

The best way to tell his story is by using the parable of the blind men and the elephant. Here it is:
Once upon a time, a group of blind men heard that a strange animal called an elephant had been brought to their village. None of them had ever encountered one before, so they decided to learn what it was like by touching it.

Each blind man approached the elephant from a different side.

The first man touched the elephant’s leg and said, “An elephant is like a pillar—strong and firm.”

The second man touched the tail and said, “No, the elephant is like a rope, thin and flexible.”

The third man touched the trunk and declared, “You are both wrong. An elephant is like a thick snake.”

The fourth man touched the ear and insisted, “An elephant is like a fan, wide and flat.”
The fifth man touched the tusk and said confidently, “The elephant is like a spear, hard and sharp.”

Soon, the blind men began to argue. Each believed he alone was right and that the others were wrong, even though each had touched only one part of the elephant.

A wise man who was passing by listened to their argument and said, “All of you are right, and all of you are wrong. Each of you has touched only a part of the elephant. Because you cannot see the whole thing, you think your part is the entire truth.”

The blind men fell silent, realizing that the truth was greater than any single perspective.
This parable clearly tells us the man Malam Pate. You only tell what you know about him but to him, all his proteges are his favourites.

After we graduated from UNIMAID in 2002 and completed our NYSC, I continued with the job that was available at the time—teaching.

In 2005, Daily Trust newspaper had a vacancy in Yola, Adamawa State, and the then Bureau Chief, Malam Abdullahi Bego (also an alumnus of Mass Communication, UNIMAID and currently the Commissioner of Information in Yobe State), was tasked with the responsibility of getting the right person and he reached out to Malam Pate to nominate anyone he felt could serve as State Correspondent in Adamawa.

Malam Pate then contacted one of our classmates, Amina Mohammed. However, for some obvious reasons, Amina did not take up the job. Instead, she informed Malam Pate that I was yet to secure a proper job in line with what I studied at the university.

He asked her to tell me to call him, which I did. Amina currently works at the information unit of Federal Medical Centre, Yola. I remain eternally grateful to her.

Malam Pate then linked me up with Malam Bego after vouching for my integrity and passion for the job—and that was it. I was offered automatic employment as a Reporter and Researcher—no interview, nothing.

This was over 20 years ago. Only God knows the number of people who secured jobs through Malam Pate. The mere mention of his name clears the pathway. It is very unlikely to visit five establishments in Abuja and any other state, provided they have a public affairs directorate, without seeing someone that got there through Malam.

It is very unlikely to visit any media organisation in Nigeria (newspaper, radio or television) without coming in touch with someone that benefited from Malam through training or mentoring. It is also very unlikely to visit any faculty or department of mass communication or journalism in any university or polytechnic in Nigeria, without seeing someone who studied under Malam, or benefitted from his supervision or mentorship in the course of his studies. He is a real benefactor.

Malam Pate is one of the guarantors on my CV. The other two are my former Editor-in-Chief, Malam Mannir Dan-Ali, and Malam Bego. Over the past 20 years, I have secured dozens of fellowships and trainings, both at home and abroad, largely because their names appear on my résumé. I also presented endless papers at high profile gatherings, all because some good people told others that yes, you can do it.

Ahead of the World Press Freedom Day in 2016 or thereabouts, Malam Pate called and asked me to write about my experience covering the Boko Haram crisis under the theme: Professionalism and Risk Management in the Reporting of Terror Groups and Violent Extremism in North-East Nigeria, How Journalists Survived to Report.

He, on his part, wrote the contextual aspect of the topic, shared the byline with me—even though he did the bulk of the work—and went on to present the paper in Helsinki, Finland.

Gladly, the same paper has found its way into at least two books, including Assault on Journalism, edited by Ulla Carlsson and Reeta Poythari, Nordicom, University of Gothenburg, Sweden (2017); and Multiculturalism, Diversity and Reporting Conflict in Nigeria, Evans Brothers (Nigeria Publishers) Limited, which he edited together with Professor Lai Oso (2017).

The paper has also been cited in many MSc and doctoral theses, both in Nigeria and around the world.

Indeed, Malam Pate is a father figure to many of us. Kindly share your experience in the comment section so that we can collectively celebrate this enigmatic figure.

Malam, as you open another chapter in your life after recording this milestone at the Federal University Kashere, may Allah continue to be your driving force, granting you good health and amity as you tirelessly change the face of journalism teaching and practice.

Celebrating the Legendary Malam Umaru A. Pate

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Feature

DEMOCRACY AND THE COURAGE TO BELIEVE

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DEMOCRACY AND THE COURAGE TO BELIEVE

By: Barr. Jonathan Abakpa

Democracy remains the hallmark of a people’s aspirations. At its very essence, democracy is about the will of the people, their hopes, their voices, their choices, and their collective vision for society. There may be differences in perspectives, competing ideologies, and divergent opinions on how democracy should function, but beneath these differences lies one enduring truth: democracy is about people.

Today, democracy has become the most widely accepted system of government worldwide because it recognises the dignity and agency of citizens. In Nigeria, this democratic journey has endured for twenty-seven uninterrupted years. This milestone deserves recognition. It reflects resilience, progress, and Nigerians’ determination to continue choosing dialogue over dictatorship, ballots over bullets, and participation over exclusion.

Yet anniversaries are not merely occasions for celebration; they are moments for reflection. They compel us to ask difficult questions about whether democracy is delivering on its promises and whether citizens still believe in the democratic project.

In his Democracy Day address, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu spoke directly to Nigerian youth, urging them to believe in Nigeria and its future. It was a powerful call to optimism. Indeed, no nation can prosper if its young people lose faith in the possibility of change. Young people are not merely beneficiaries of democracy; they are its custodians, innovators, defenders, and future leaders. However, belief cannot be demanded; it must be earned.

Democracy is strongest when citizens trust the process, when they see their voices reflected in governance, and when they feel protected by the institutions created to serve them. Citizens believe in democracy not simply because elections are held, but because they can see evidence that the system works for them.

The President rightly observed that democracy without security is a failed democracy and reassured Nigerians that his administration is working to improve the nation’s security architecture. This recognition is important because security is not separate from democracy; it is one of its foundations. Freedom loses meaning when people live in fear.

Yet, even as these assurances were being made, the nation continues to confront painful realities. Reports of kidnappings, attacks on communities, and the abduction of innocent children remind us that many Nigerians still wake up uncertain of their safety. The image of children stolen from their homes and communities is not merely a security concern; it is a challenge to the very promise of democracy.

How can young people fully believe in the future when the road to school is uncertain?
How can citizens confidently participate in governance when fear dictates their movements?
How can democracy flourish when survival becomes a daily struggle?
There was another moment in the President’s Democracy Day address that deserves reflection. In recognising distinguished Nigerians with national honours, the President rightly celebrated individuals whose contributions have shaped the nation’s democratic journey. Such recognition is important. Nations must remember those who have served and sacrificed for the common good.
Yet democracy grows beyond elections, political offices, and moments of official recognition.

The girl who walks miles to school through uncertainty and insecurity because she refuses to let her future be stolen.
Democracy is also sustained by countless Nigerians whose names may never appear on an honours list, but whose courage keeps the nation alive every day.
They are the heroes of our democracy.
The young woman who refuses to surrender her dreams to discrimination, exclusion, or violence.

The student who studies by candlelight, convinced that education remains a bridge to a better tomorrow.
The young entrepreneur who wakes every morning uncertain of the next fuel price increase, transportation cost, electricity tariff, or economic shock, yet still chooses to create, innovate, and persevere.
The farmer who plants despite fear.
The teacher who inspires despite limitations.
The health worker who serves despite inadequate resources.

The men and women of our armed forces and security agencies who stand between chaos and order often pay the ultimate price in defence of Nigeria’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. Many die with little recognition beyond folded flags, grieving families, and silent prayers. They, too, are heroes of our democracy.

And then there is Leah Sharibu.
Her story transcends politics. In the face of terror, captivity, and unimaginable pressure, she remained steadfast in her convictions. Her courage speaks to the very essence of freedom; the right to believe, to worship, and to live according to one’s conscience without fear. Whether one shares her faith or not, her resilience embodies the ideals of a Nigeria where diversity is respected and freedom of belief is protected. She remains a symbol of what a truly free society should represent.

The President also stated that the responsibility of this generation is to sustain democracy and ensure prosperity. That responsibility is indeed ours. But democracy and prosperity cannot be improved by citizens alone. Government, institutions, civil society, and communities must all play their part.

For young Nigerians, sustaining democracy means participating, organizing, voting, advocating, innovating, and holding leaders accountable. For the government, sustaining democracy means ensuring that citizens can live, learn, work, and dream in safety.

For democracy is not merely the absence of military rule.
It is a mother who sleeps knowing her children will return safely from school.
It is a young girl who walks to class without fear.
It is a farmer who tills his land without the sound of gunfire in the distance.
It is a student whose ambition is greater than his anxiety.
It is a nation where hope travels farther than fear.

It is where the ballot carries more power than the bullet.
It is where disagreement does not become violence.
It is where diversity is not feared but celebrated.
It is where every citizen, regardless of faith, ethnicity, gender, or status, can live freely and with dignity.
It is where the dreams of young people are not interrupted by violence.

As Nigeria marks twenty-seven years of uninterrupted democracy, we must celebrate how far we have come. But we must also confront how far we still need to go. The true test of our democracy will not be measured only by the number of years it survives, but by the number of lives it secures, opportunities it creates, freedoms it protects, and dreams it preserves.

If young people are to believe in Nigeria, then Nigeria must become a country where believing is rewarded by evidence, not merely encouraged by words.
The task before this generation is not simply to sustain democracy. It is to deepen it, strengthen it, and make it meaningful for every citizen. And that journey begins with ensuring that every Nigerian can move freely, speak freely, worship freely, dream boldly, and live safely.
Only then can democracy truly fulfil its promise.

Barr. Jonathan Abakpa
Human Rights Lawyer

DEMOCRACY AND THE COURAGE TO BELIEVE

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My Binoculars: June 12, The Fragile Security of Nigeria and This Unending Damnation Called Ransom for Commercial Banditry

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My Binoculars: June 12, The Fragile Security of Nigeria and This Unending Damnation Called Ransom for Commercial Banditry

By: Bodunrin Kayode

Most residents in Nigeria are so used to the old ways of doing things that they think that mere agitation for the release of one set of captive will be the end of this lingering sing-song that has been let loose in the land by theses scare cat criminals called bandits. Release our students has become a mere social album released intermittently because even the political leaders are busy trying to solve this damnation from the head instead of from the root. The interagency corporation in terms of intelligence sharing has equally become so weak that the policy itself has deteriorated to a mere chorus either in a staccato or crescendo format to suit the ears of foreign watchers like the Americans who seem to care. We also know that the disparity between the vocal range of the department of State Service (DSS) and the military is so wide that it will take the grace of God for them to continue to sing in harmony as was preached by General Chris Musa before he was dropped as Chief of Defense staff. Until they all find their bearings harmoniously, these criminals extorting Nigerians in the savannah will continue to have their say with impunity. Abductions and kidnappings will surely linger for a long time until this government swallows its pride and requests for massive help from willing friends or mercinaries to take out these criminals in the bush once and for all.

Very few State actors within the general security network bother about taking these criminals out of their hide outs as long as their loved ones have been freed from their grips. These urchins can continue to stay in the savannah and now some parts of the rain forests in the South West of the country carrying out their criminality on vulnerable people to make them cry. Some of the residents they have humiliated include political, military and traditional rulers and they don’t care a hoot about our common humanity. Yet the Federal government in the last eleven years continue to treat their known sponsors like sacred cows who should not be touched.

For some of these reasons, I don’t believe that the release of captives this weekend will ever stop another set of residents from being captured in two weeks time. This is because these criminals will always get more vulnerable people to monitor especially in our largely unmanned forest terrain and pick them up like hawks clutching their preys in their claws. Poor residents, desperate to free their loved ones empower these criminals with “anything they want” under the sun besides humongous amounts of cash making them richer by the days.
It’s a very sad reality that any layman can see the lacuna in our communities for easy capture of our people because of the way our security architecture is designed. Off course the bottom line of all this hide and seek game is the demand for more money because the whole phenomenon has become an industry for the criminals who keep prospering while fighting for a “known cause” against the rest of us. From Boko Haram to Lakurawa, Biafran and even Islamic State of West African Province (iswap) fighters, they all have fixated known causes not hidden to keen observers in the country.

How to stop these criminals from prospering

Security managers have to stop doing things the same way they are used to doing them after the civil war and move to the next known level of sophistry. The key intelligence people must move from manual to the highest form of digital sophistication and collaborate with the big players in the world to get results. The military intelligence and the cyber tech squad must increase their romance.

By this I also mean that, trainers in the Nigerian Defense Academyy (NDA) for instance should go beyond the conventional ways they are used to doing things and incorporate asymmetric formations into their curriculum the way institutions like West Point and Sandhurst have done even before the commencement of the rebellion against organized governments by extremists in many parts of the world. The earlier the better for our security network which is heavily appropriated in trillions of naira yet grossly underfunded each fiscal year. This gives rise to the inability of defense managers most times to being unable to buy the basic and advanced Intel equipment for utilization to fight back. Even when the British and American troops on ground have been enabling our personnel with some of these rare equipment within the last decade, the effect in terms of optics is minimal compared to a situation where our men will own and operate theirs. For us residents who live and work in the “Hadin Kai” theatre, we know that the British have been doing their best with theses Intel supports but it has never been enough to cover even 10 percent of the vast forests which stretches up to the Tumbus islands of the lake Chad or way beyond the Mandara mountains down to the central African region. Most commanders in the Frontline have operated under a trial and error basis when it comes to descerning critical Intel. But thank God, the collaboration with the Americans have started yielding tangible fruits beyond some reasonable doubts.

Key intelligence agencies have to start acting in real time to save more lives if they are supported with these expensive equipment to respond to assist the ten agencies now dishing out intels. This is because responding in real time is key to stop these criminals from their lingering operations in the country. Consequently, it is only the right intelligence that can take out the estimated 30,000 criminals the Americans alerted the nation about and not necessarily brute force known to the military.

Our dedicated operatives also have to stop clamoring for half bread by ensuring that our political servants in government and service Chiefs go after and take out all 30,000 of the criminals as has been revealed by those who have the right equipment to see the bandits as they roam about our bushes with impunity. Mark my words if the security operatives do not move to the next level in terms of Intel sharing and management, many more will have to be abducted. Hundreds more will suffer in the process and die before the next June 12 democracy day. And please don’t ever ask me why. Nigeria has a lot of fixing to do in the security sector for residents to sleep with both eyes closed.

Bodunrin Kayode wrote in from Maiduguri.

My Binoculars: June 12, The Fragile Security of Nigeria and This Unending Damnation Called Ransom for Commercial Banditry

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Africa Forward: When Africa Stops Showing Up as a Guest

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Africa Forward: When Africa Stops Showing Up as a Guest

By: Michael Mike

Nairobi Summit may have signalled the beginning of a more equal Africa-Europe relationship. The real test is whether investment finally replaces dependency.

By Senator Iroegbu

Something shifted in Nairobi last week. It was not the numbers, though the numbers were striking. It was not the speeches, though some were worth hearing. What shifted was the room’s geography — and the logic behind the conversation. For the first time, France and an African country co-chaired an Africa-France summit on African soil, with President Macron and President Ruto standing side by side as equals, not host and supplicant.

For decades, Africa’s engagements with major global powers have followed an almost predictable script. African leaders are invited to Paris, Washington, Beijing, Moscow, Brussels, or New Delhi. Red carpets are rolled out. Grand declarations about “strategic partnership” are made. Communiqués are signed. Photographs are taken. Then everyone flies home, while very little changes for ordinary Africans.

The imbalance was often visible even in the choreography of these summits. Africa appeared less like an equal negotiating bloc and more like a guest invited to seek assistance, security guarantees, investment, or development aid.

The Africa Forward Summit, held in Nairobi on May 11 and 12, broke that script in key important ways. Nairobi appeared different in tone, structure, and ambition. For once, the summit was held on African soil, not in Europe. For once, the conversation shifted from aid to investment, from dependency to co-production, and from diplomatic rhetoric to commercial engagement. That distinction matters greatly, inspiring confidence in the possibility of meaningful progress.

Over two days, €24 billion in commitments were announced: €15 billion from French sources and €9 billion from African investors, with a focus on real projects that can inspire trust and motivate further action. According to figures announced at the summit, investment and financing commitments were unveiled across sectors, including energy transition, digital infrastructure, artificial intelligence, agriculture, healthcare, maritime development, industrialisation, sports, and logistics.

More importantly, the summit focused less on political symbolism and more on practical business partnerships. French and European companies openly discussed co-investing and co-producing with African firms inside Africa itself. Still, the true measure of success will depend on the accountability and follow-through of these commitments.

If implemented seriously, that could become the summit’s most consequential outcome.
Africa does not lack resources. Africa does not lack markets. Africa does not lack entrepreneurial energy or youthful talent. What the continent has historically lacked is equitable access to capital, technology transfer, industrial partnerships, and financing systems that support value addition and manufacturing. The summit’s emphasis on co-production rather than extraction is therefore significant.

Again, it is worth noting that Africa’s resource wealth and youthful ambition are evident. Still, the true test of the summit’s success lies in measurable outcomes-such as increased local industrial capacity, technology transfer, and fair financing structures-that can demonstrate real progress and build trust in future initiatives.

Nigeria has already emerged with one practical example. French hospitality giant Accor and Shoreline Group signed a Letter of Intent to develop Nigeria’s first national hotel platform, with a planned $300 million investment targeting 10 hotels across eight Nigerian cities by 2030. The initiative will also establish a hospitality training academy to support skills development and job creation. That is the kind of partnership Africa should encourage: investment tied to infrastructure, skills transfer, employment, and long-term economic activity rather than mere extraction of profit.

The summit also launched the Africa-France Impact Coalition, a business platform bringing together major African and French companies with combined operations worth over €100 billion and employing hundreds of thousands across the continent. Discussions covered artificial intelligence, renewable energy, healthcare manufacturing, agriculture, digital connectivity, and infrastructure.

If this approach survives beyond speeches and summit declarations, it is crucial to establish clear monitoring and evaluation mechanisms to ensure commitments lead to real change. This could signal the beginning of something Africa urgently needs: a genuine scramble for African industrial development rather than another scramble for African raw materials. Still, Africans should approach this new enthusiasm with cautious optimism rather than emotional excitement. While history advises caution, the progress made in Nairobi offers a foundation for genuine change, encouraging a hopeful outlook for Africa’s future.

France carries a uniquely complicated relationship with Africa, especially in Francophone West and Central Africa. The issue is no longer colonialism in its formal sense — that chapter is closed. The deeper issue is that the post-colonial relationship never fully evolved into genuine equality. Some African governments outsourced large parts of their security architecture and strategic decision-making to Paris. Paris, in turn, became deeply embedded politically and militarily in several former colonies. Both sides participated in that arrangement and paid a price for it.

Mali illustrates the contradiction vividly. In 2013, when jihadist forces threatened Bamako, France intervened militarily and was initially celebrated as a saviour. A decade later, those same French forces became the primary targets of nationalist fury, accused by military juntas of exploitation and neo-colonial manipulation. Wagner arrived. The French departed. It was a melodrama, and like most melodramas, it contained real grievances buried beneath the theatre.

The lesson is not that France is good or bad. The lesson is that framing any external partner in those terms is a strategic error. External powers-whether the US or China, East or West, EU, France or Russia-are neither saviours nor permanent enemies. They are here to advance their strategic interests. Africa’s responsibility is therefore not emotional attachment or ideological hostility — it is strategic negotiation, empowering Africa to shape the terms of its own development.

To this end, Africa can no longer afford military protectorates disguised as partnerships. Neither can it afford exploitative mercenary arrangements or forms of economic engagement that quietly transfer strategic infrastructure, ports, airports, logistics corridors, and mineral assets into foreign control without strengthening domestic productive capacity. The continent needs partnerships rooted in mutual benefit, commercial realism, and respect for sovereignty.

Accordingly, this is why France’s apparent recalibration matters. France’s evolving role as a gateway to facilitating mutually beneficial partnerships can empower Africa, emphasising that this is a strategic opportunity rather than charity. If Paris is genuinely shifting away from paternalistic diplomacy toward facilitating business partnerships, industrial co-investment, and private-sector collaboration, that is potentially good news not only for Africa and France but for Europe more broadly. Europe needs markets, growth opportunities, energy partnerships, and supply chain diversification.

Africa needs investment, industrialisation, infrastructure, technology, and jobs. The interests are complementary.
But Africans have heard promises before. This is why the true judgment of the Africa Forward Summit will not be made through speeches, declarations, or summit communiqués. It will be made through implementations and answering these questions. Will the announced projects materialise? Will African firms genuinely become co-producers rather than junior subcontractors? Will financing become fairer and more accessible? Will technology actually transfer? Will industrial jobs be created on African soil? Will Africa’s AI, healthcare, logistics, agriculture, and manufacturing sectors truly advance? Like Saint Thomas, Africans should believe not merely what they hear, but what they eventually see.

Still, Nairobi may have offered an important glimpse into what a healthier Africa-Europe relationship could look like: less aid dependency, less geopolitical theatre, less paternalism, and far more equal partnership, investment, production, and shared prosperity. If that shift proves genuine, then the Africa Forward Summit may eventually be remembered not as another diplomatic gathering, but as the moment Africa stopped showing up as a guest and started negotiating as an equal partner.

We will be watching. The continent will be watching whether, five years from now, there are factories, hotels, data centres, and solar plants on African soil, built with African hands, owned in African names. That is the only summit result that matters.
Iroegbu is a journalist and a geopolitics, security, and public affairs analyst.

Africa Forward: When Africa Stops Showing Up as a Guest

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