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After the damage of Boko Haram: Battling with the battered health sector in Borno state using the partnership model for emergencies

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After the damage of Boko Haram: Battling with the battered health sector in Borno state using the partnership model for emergencies

By: Bodunrin Kayode

Reporting the health sector within the web of humanitarian crisis in Northern Nigeria is my hobby. Health is one of the beats I have chosen to ensure that I contribute to further the cause of humanity before I say good bye to this world and to enhance excellence my calling journalism. Reporting health up here means one must have enough empathy for the people who are at the mercy of the terrorized health sector in Borno state and North Eastern Nigeria. This sector is so important to humanity that each time the insurgents want to plunder primary health centres, they cart away the drugs and skilled workers before bringing down the structure by fire. That is an indicator that even the wrong doers in the bush know the value of health in our shared humanity.

Prying into the Borno Health Partners Forum

I do not attend the Borno health partnership forum to report on everything that is happening but to contribute my quota to the best of my ability to belp rebuild the sector which has been battered by lingering years of insurgency. By this I mean about 14 years of insurgency where almost every infrastructure was destroyed by the insurgent Boko Haram in their trail.
And that I have been doing to the best of my ability especially the guidance of the meeting as a catalyst in the “risk communications pillar.” The subsector where massive enlightenment is given to the people whenever emergencies like sickening cholera out breaks chokes the medical practitioners or the recent diphtheria which has killed over 67 people in its trail. Sadly the ” risk communication” is one of the most badly managed pillar because the bank rolling world partners refuse to allow the Borno State Government to lead as it should. Deciding which path to walk at any given time and even choosing where to go with the permission of the health Commissioner who is equally guided by the Governor of the state Professor Babagana Zulum. Representatives of the two world health bodies have rather decided to turn themselves into a cabal or a caucus who meet separately and impose their decisions on the rest of the partners regardless of the interest of the Commissioner who is represented by the incident manager (IM) at any given time. That itself has created a shaky foundation for that pillar and the mounting of lingering lacuna which strips them bare whenever their own managers are in need of action or solutions in certain ways.

Out of interest, I have seen many non medicals like myself in the house and they all do their best to help out in one way or the other to make things work out. The only pillar which has not existed in the last seven years is that of “security” which will go a long way to act as a liaison between the military, police and the health sector. But I have a belief that with the evolution of the sector over the coming years, we would soon have a sitting security personnel who would be an instant reference point whenever challenges of that nature falls on the table of the IM.

One also realizes that it’s time to begin to analyze on a yearly basis some of the developments in the sector so that the world gets to know those that are behind the heavy toil for the sector to be moved from where it was when boko haram struck capturing 22 council areas in the entire state to the envisaged level of excellence we are trying to take it to. And there are many non medical professionals with like minds whose contributions to crushing emergency challenges over the years have been invaluable to astounding emergencies like cholera which has harassed health managers and kept them on their toes. Looking back into the sector, I remember that there was one year of the cholera scourge that everyone who was a doctor in the ministry had to abandon their files, put on their coats and gloves and were lined up at the muna garage axis ensuring that they helped slow down the mortality rate which was screaming to high heavens. That is an indication that the medical workers both serving and retired have also managed to stay above board at the primary health care level.

Pending challenges to be crushed in Borno state

There are many pending challenges before the health partners working as a team to make things better for Borno state. One of the challenges before them is the inability sometimes to understand the fact that change is the only permanent phenomenon in life and we must all prepare to embrace it. A lot of partners still do not understand why change from the old order of doing things to the new is important. Some so called financial partners want to completely adjust the ideal narrative by wrongly taking the drivers seat in almost every pillar including risk communication and sometimes, the good old surveillance. Two sensitive pillars which are supposed to go together. 90 percent of the time I have sat in that meeting, Abdu Mbaya or Modu Kyari who is the deputy head of the communications pillar in the primary health board are hardly carried along. One little brat or the other in the United Nations international children’s fund (UNICEF) and world health organization (WHO) will stand up to speak for the entire Borno State which they know nothing about. And most times when they speak, they do not impress the IM or the meeting because they talk only about what they understand in their own foreign designed system. They hardly display knowledge on how to solve problems in the 27 Council areas of the state. One particular one, name withheld in the WHO who used to be a tea boy for a previous disgraced communication expert is the most confused of them all because of his obvious limitations of what to do for the good of the state. He parades himself with some air of importance that does not align with his rascally and rude persona badly polluted with the trial and error syndrome associated with road side mechanics.

I don’t blame them completely. Its simply because the state has been unable to sit on the drivers seat all these years in some of these pillars before the advent of Dr Lawi Meshelia. Some of us who should know are equally to blame too because we saw these dysfunctional nitwits play with the intelligence of the state and we did not raise alarms to the Commissioner or the Governor of the State, Professor Babagana Zulum knowing in his disposition towards mediocrity regardless of who is involved. It is change in the old order that will bring about what will benefit the state when it comes to enlightening people on how to get the best out of the web of complex information needed to make the operations at the primary health care get better for instance.

The management of emergencies at the primary care level have seen many administrators on and off the forum of partners and each one, foreign or Nigerian did his or her best to better the system. But that does not mean that they do not have their limitations. One is talking about constraints ranging from management style to low capacity based on background training and sometimes downright timidity in stamping their feet to getting certain things right based on contemporary practices. And that is the reason why some partners used to jump into the drivers seat without permission from the State which is supposed to be the driver for everything as it concerns the building of the health sector and crushing emergencies like the on and off Polio, monkey pox, COVID-19 or Diphtheria as it is announced by the state epidemiologists from time to time.

The numerous interventions of emergency manager Beatrice Muraguri

Most of the partners have done their best. It’s not just bad news all the way because most critics of journalists believe they only do bad news without seeing the good sides of anything. I wish to report to you that we have seen quite a good number of good managers in the system. I can never forget the frantic efforts of Dr Collins Ovilli who jumped into the trenches with other doctors like Mohammed Guluze then emergency manager to ensure that the cholera mortality figures do not scream more than it was then. To us poisoned by insurgency in our backyard 50 dead is noise but 100 is really a screaming figure.
At present, Dr Beatrice Muraguri is one of the good souls of the WHO and has been making her presence felt in all the three states badly influenced by the lingering insurgency. Sometimes I have sat in that meeting hall in Damboa road, watching and listening to all her contributions and they are always for the common good of humanity. Sometimes she used to ponder and literally pressing the state to hurry up and sit tight on the drivers seat to crush these emergency headaches. To her as a clinical epidemiologist nothing is impossible if minds and hearts are brought together. Diphtheria for instance has reached 67 deaths as at the time of writing this report, do we want to wait until it gets to 100 before we deal with the challenges bedeviling the management of the disease? In as much as people are not perfect, Dr Beatrice is one woman who means well for Borno state. I have watched her from my binocular and I have seen her as an extremely transparent professional who has water tight empathy for the people of the entire BAY states. She is a distinguished African woman who understands how to serve humanity using the template of the state or council areas accordingly. She is not one of those whose bosses had questionable records before being asked to leave the WHO because of dubious activities aided by a commissioner name withheld sacked suddenly from the government. We have seen a theatre Commander here who shut down the activities of three non Governmental activities NGO’S when they ran foul of the laws of the land, “so none of them will tell us they are better than the people they met on ground” said General Adeniyi the then TC.

Co management of the sector with WHO

In spite of all these challenges for instance, since the advent of Dr Lawi Meshelia, a lot of things have changed for the better. Some of them were procedures which had to change even though with difficulty. Lawi drives the system like a task master and some of the partners used to the old system do not likne him for doing the right thing. But Lawi a foreign trained public health specialist like Beatrice is getting tremendous results. Even though I could read from his body language sometimes that he is not happy with the trickles of results he has been having in areas like the risk communication and surveillance pillars which have terribly shaky foundations going by what we see from the cholera and now diphtheria torments of the people. Since Lawi arrived as the incident manager, he has succeeded in gradually changing the old ways of doing a lot of things. Obviously this foreign trained public health specialist understands that emergencies in a system where most of the infrastructure has been destroyed by insurgency you virtually have to be regimented to get results. That means he must step on some toes if he must get results. Emergency is not the “na so we de do am” kind of phenomenon in which obvious mistakes are tolerated as the norm. It must be a near perfect phenomenon and that is what the distinguished university of Maiduguri (unimaid) trained Dr Lawi is tying to achieve. Before his advent, the ministry officials allowed pillar heads to just do what they wanted without proper capacity to back the system. Then came Shafiq Muhammad a Pakistani who for the first time between 2017 and 2018 tried to fix a suitable template in which the emergency system could work without forming themselves into a parallel ministry of health that would be dabbling into non emergencies. That system has stood the test of time till this day because it was a transparent system. But like a disease it relapsed into the old system with the exit of Dr Shafiq because the very foundation was not properly fixed in such a way that pillar heads who are ministry officials will own the system and drive the steering and change gears at their convenience. It was literally in disarray because nobody had dug the right hole for the pillars to be firmly rooted. Safiq learnt very fast from Martinez Jorge and drove the system from 2017 to 2018.By the time Jorge left Safiq was running at a speed faster than he met on the ground but there was a lot to be defined properly. When safiq left, we have had several other managers including Dr Kida who had to act as IM even at retirement. His style was actually different because he tolerated most of the excesses of the partners. Always smiling and not wanting to step on toes. With the advent of Dr Lawi, pillar heads and deputies meet regularly with him to state what they have achieved and he freely directs if he thinks they are driving down the wrong way. This kind of proactive professional on the drivers seat has come at a time when he is most needed. He is trusted by his permanent secretary Mohammad Guluze and Commissioner Professor Baba Mallam Gana a consultant Oncologist. Lawi has an almost regimented managerial style which most of them had not gotten used to. But one believes that as time goes on, they will surely get used to his style and we would wake up one day to discover that all the emergencies are gone with the dry wind of the sahel savanna.

Ex Raying the background of the current IM Lawi Meshelia

Dr Lawi Meshelia is one of those medical practitioners who benefitted from the extension of service years by five years by Governor Babagana Zulum which is why he is still in service. He was equally the arrow head in charge of the primary health care agency when Borno won the best primary health care agency prize money of $1.2m attached to a competition created to bring primary health care under one roof in Nigeria.
He holds a Masters Degree in Public Health (MPH) from Royal Tropical Institute, KIT in Amsterdam, Netherlands. And of course an MBBS from the University of Maiduguri. His exposure and broad mindedness to tolerate people stems from the fact that he did his secondary school at the Federal Government College Odogbolu in Ogun State and has traveled to almost all the states of the Federation. Dr Mshelia has attended courses with certificates in different aspects of public health in countries in Europe, East Africa, West Africa and South-Central Africa. He also attended numerous public health courses across Nigeria to stream line his focus. He has actually brought a semblance of stability and order since he took charge as IM.

Battling the second challenge which is the red tapes in the Ministerial system

I had to mention Lawi’s background so partners understand why he is so suited for the job and if care is not taken you may call him a slave driver because you must do things the right way he wants you to do it. If at the end of the day the results is tremendous, he hardly takes the glory but transfers it like a dutiful civil servant to his superiors in the ministry where he had worked all his days as a medical doctor. Ever ready for emergencies and working towards solving any red take that will stand in his way as long as it is not finance which he does not have power over. By the way, it is this finance that used to make some ngos misbehave and tend to want to take the steering wheel from state health managers.

Handling the first visit of the commissioner and his desires to win the next prize for the best primary health in Nigeria

When the Commissioner of Health paid his first visit to the emergency operation centre EOC recently, it was excitement galore all the way. He obviously never anticipated that so many partners will be lined up one by one introducing themselves and taking it upon themselves to uplift the health sector of Borno State which has been badly battered by insurgency. He came across as a very lively and friendly medical practitioner shaking hands with partners and thanking them for a job well done.
Professor Baba Gana commended the partners for being very supportive in their contributions to moving the sector from where they found it to where it should be. He assured that the molecular laboratory in Umaru Shehu Hospital will soon become a reference lab for the future of the sector especially in dealing with emerging emergencies. That to him will relax the delay in going to competent labs outside the state to get results of suspected cases as at when due. On vaccinations the British trained oncologist said that left to him, the country should begin to develop its own local capacity to produce vaccination which will go a long way in trampling upon stubborn emergencies like Diphtheria, Cholera and measles so that they do not linger longer than expected. How soon that will happen? Only time will tell.

After the damage of Boko Haram: Battling with the battered health sector in Borno state using the partnership model for emergencies

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NIGERIA’S 2027 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION: A PIVOTAL MOMENT FOR DEMOCRACY

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NIGERIA’S 2027 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION: A PIVOTAL MOMENT FOR DEMOCRACY

By: Austin Aigbe

Nigeria’s 2027 presidential election is emerging as one of the most consequential political moments since the return to civilian rule in 1999, with the potential to shape Nigeria’s democratic future and influence regional stability in West Africa. Far more than a routine electoral cycle, the contest is a decisive test of democratic resilience, institutional credibility, and national cohesion.

Against the backdrop of persistent insecurity, economic hardship, elite realignments, and widespread public disillusionment with governance, the election will shape not only Nigeria’s political future but also the trajectory of democratic governance in West Africa. At stake is whether Nigeria’s democracy can transcend entrenched patronage politics and elite domination, or whether elections will continue to function primarily as instruments for redistributing power among competing political elites.

Political Context and Elite Realignments
As preparations for 2027 intensify, Nigeria’s political landscape is already characterised by
heightened elite manoeuvring. Defections across party lines, coalition-building, and strategic repositioning dominate the political space. These developments reveal a persistent feature of Nigeria’s political system: weak party institutionalisation. Political parties often operate less as ideologically coherent organisations and more as platforms for elite negotiation and personal ambition.

This pattern reflects Nigeria’s broader political economy, where access to state power is closely tied to access to resources, protection, and influence. Patronage networks remain central to political competition, with loyalty to powerful individuals rewarded through appointments,
contracts, and informal privileges. In such a system, electoral victory is existential. Frequent office losses often translate into political marginalisation, loss of access to resources, and vulnerability to prosecution or exclusion.

Consequently, elections are framed as “do-or-die” contests. This mindset not only distorts
democratic competition but also incentivises practices—such as vote-buying, institutional
manipulation, and violence—that undermine democratic norms. The intense elite realignments ahead of 2027, therefore, signal not ideological contestation, but a struggle for survival within abpatronage-driven political order.

Electoral Integrity and Institutional Challenges Nigeria’s 2027 presidential election’s credibility will depend on how effectively institutions like INEC implement reforms such as the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and electronic result transmission, which aim to enhance transparency and accountability amidst ongoing institutional challenges.
However, technology alone cannot resolve deeply embedded structural challenges.

Institutional capture remains a major concern. Allegations of selective enforcement of electoral rules, politicised deployment of security forces, and inconsistent judicial outcomes continue to erode public confidence. For many citizens, elections appear procedurally democratic but substantively compromised, with outcomes perceived as negotiated through elite influence rather than determined by voter choice.

This gap between form and substance is critical. While electoral processes may meet technical benchmarks, democratic legitimacy depends on whether institutions act independently and impartially. Without credible enforcement of rules and sanctions, electoral reforms risk becoming symbolic rather than transformative.

Security, Violence, and Political Intimidation
Security challenges threaten to undermine the election, and raising awareness of the risks of violence can motivate the audience to prioritise stability and safety in the electoral process.

Historically, electoral violence in Nigeria has been instrumental rather than incidental. Political actors have used intimidation, thuggery, and inflammatory rhetoric to suppress opposition strongholds and manipulate outcomes. The persistence of armed non-state actors further complicates the environment, as elections can become flashpoints for broader conflicts.

The normalisation of violence reflects the high stakes of patronage politics. Where political office determines access to resources and protection, violence becomes a rational—though destructive—strategy. Without credible deterrence and accountability, the risk remains that insecurity will again undermine the integrity of the 2027 election.

Economy, Governance, and Public Discontent
The 2027 election will take place amid widespread economic hardship. Rising inflation, unemployment, fuel subsidy reforms, and declining purchasing power have intensified public frustration. For many Nigerians, democratic governance has failed to deliver tangible improvements in living standards, deepening scepticism toward political institutions.

This socio-economic context presents both risks and opportunities. On one hand, economic vulnerability increases susceptibility to vote-buying and inducements, reinforcing patronage politics. On the other hand, sustained hardship may fuel demands for accountability and reform, particularly among young and urban populations increasingly exposed to alternative political narratives.

Public discontent thus represents a volatile variable. Whether it translates into apathy, protest, or meaningful political engagement will significantly shape the character of the 2027 election.

Youth, Civil Society, and Democratic Agency
Nigeria’s youthful demographic plays a vital role in the electoral landscape. Energised by social media and civic engagement, young voters are increasingly prepared to confront established political norms.

Their advocacy for electoral transparency, good governance, and institutional reform has shifted public conversations, even though significant structural obstacles persist. Civil society organisations (CSOs) and election monitors are crucial for protecting the integrity of elections. Their ability to oversee campaigns, track provocative statements, document violations, and collaborate with security agencies will significantly affect public confidence in the electoral process.

Nonetheless, civil society faces significant challenges, including regulatory constraints, funding shortages, and potential intimidation. The success of civil society’s involvement in the 2027 elections will hinge on its capacity to extend its oversight beyond election day, including ongoing monitoring of party primaries, campaign financing, institutional conduct, and postelection accountability.

Regional and International Implications
Nigeria’s 2027 election has regional implications: a credible, peaceful process could strengthen democratic norms across West Africa, while instability could embolden authoritarian tendencies in neighbouring countries already facing coups and democratic erosion.

While international observers will monitor Nigeria’s 2027 election, the limited scope of external influence underscores that the country’s democratic consolidation primarily depends on domestic institutions, political elites, and citizen engagement, raising questions about sovereignty and
legitimacy.

Conclusion: A Defining Moment
Nigeria’s 2027 presidential election represents a defining moment in the country’s democratic journey. It will test whether electoral reforms can transcend elite manipulation, whether institutions can assert independence, and whether political competition can occur without violence.

More fundamentally, it will determine whether Nigeria’s democracy can evolve from a system dominated by patronage and power struggles into one anchored in accountability, participation, and the rule of law.

The outcome of the election will shape not only Nigeria’s political future but also broader regional perceptions of democratic viability. For Nigeria, 2027 is not merely an election—it is a referendum on the credibility and sustainability of the democratic project itself.

Austin Aigbe, a Development and Electoral Specialist, writes from Abuja, where he closely observes the intricate dynamics of politics and governance in

Nigeria. With a keen interest in the intersections of development, democracy, and
electoral processes, Aigbe analyses the challenges faced by Nigeria since its transition to civilian rule in 1999. His insights
highlight the persistent militarisation of political systems and its implications for democratic consolidation in the country

NIGERIA’S 2027 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION: A PIVOTAL MOMENT FOR DEMOCRACY

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Russian Houses and the Quiet Trafficking of Africa’s Youth into a Foreign War

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Russian Houses and the Quiet Trafficking of Africa’s Youth into a Foreign War

By: Oumarou Sanou

What is unfolding across parts of Africa under the banner of cultural exchange is not diplomacy. It is not education. And it is certainly not benign soft power. It is a calculated, morally bankrupt system that exploits African vulnerability and converts cultural trust into military manpower for a war Africans neither started nor consented to fight.

Russia’s so-called cultural centres, branded as Russian Houses, have become part of a shadow infrastructure feeding Moscow’s war in Ukraine. They operate not as neutral spaces for language, literature, or artistic exchange, but as recruitment-adjacent nodes in a broader ecosystem of deception, labour exploitation, and ideological manipulation. For Africa, this should ring alarm bells far louder than they currently do.

Cultural diplomacy, in its classical sense, seeks to persuade, not conscript. It aims to shape perception, not bodies. Yet what investigations now reveal is a disturbing mutation: culture repurposed as camouflage, education as bait, opportunity as a trap. Young Africans are not being won over by ideas alone; they are being funnelled—sometimes coerced—into a war zone through a system that thrives on deniability and desperation.

The tragedy is not only that Africans are dying on foreign battlefields. It is that many never knew they were enlisting in a war at all.

Across Nigeria, Uganda, Kenya and beyond, testimonies tell a consistent story. Men are promised jobs—mechanics, security guards, supermarket workers. Visas are arranged with suspicious ease. Travel is routed through familiar transit hubs. And once inside Russia, the script changes. Passports vanish. Military camps appear. Training begins. Protest becomes futile. Escape becomes a gamble with death.

This is not migration gone wrong. It is deception by design.

At the centre of this system sits Rossotrudnichestvo, the Russian state agency overseeing Russian Houses worldwide. Unlike the British Council or Goethe-Institut, its operations follow an opaque franchising model, allowing private actors—including those linked to Russia’s security and mercenary ecosystem—to run cultural centres under a unified brand. The result is plausible deniability for Moscow and zero accountability for victims.

This model matters. It allows the Russian state to benefit strategically while evading responsibility politically. When things go wrong—and they do—it is always someone else’s fault: a local agent, a private company, a misunderstanding. Meanwhile, African families bury sons who left home seeking work, not war.

Even more troubling is how ideology and narrative conditioning are woven into this machinery. Russian Houses increasingly host militarised events, glorify Russia’s armed forces and normalise the Ukraine war as a civilisational struggle. They amplify Kremlin-aligned media while silencing dissent. These are not cultural spaces; they are echo chambers preparing minds—and sometimes bodies—for mobilisation.

Religion, too, has not been spared. The expansion of the Russian Orthodox Church’s African Exarchate, particularly in countries where Russian security influence is already present, adds another layer of concern. Faith-based engagement, theological training and church-sponsored labour projects have, in documented cases, intersected with recruitment and war-related labour pipelines. When spirituality becomes a corridor to coercion, the ethical collapse is complete.

What makes this especially dangerous is Africa’s structural vulnerability. High youth unemployment, weak labour protections, porous oversight of migration, and limited intelligence coordination create fertile ground for such operations. When survival becomes the priority, scrutiny becomes a luxury many cannot afford.

But Africa cannot afford this silence.

This is not about geopolitics alone. It is about sovereignty. It is about the value of African lives in a global system that too often treats them as expendable. It is about whether African governments will continue to look away while foreign powers exploit desperation under the cover of culture.

Regulation must replace naivety. Cultural centres should not operate without transparency, oversight and clear legal boundaries. Labour recruitment pathways must be scrutinised, especially those linked to conflict zones. Intelligence and immigration services must treat these networks not as isolated incidents but as a pattern that demands a coordinated response.

Most importantly, Africans must reclaim the narrative. Engagement with global powers should be grounded in dignity and mutual respect, not deception and disposability. Cultural exchange must never be allowed to become a conveyor belt to war.

From Dostoevsky to drone strikes, something has gone profoundly wrong. If Africa does not confront it now, the continent risks losing not just its youth, but its moral authority to protect them.

Oumarou Sanou is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and African leadership dynamics. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com

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Steadily Expanding Institutional Opening-Up to Forge New Prospects of China-Nigeria Win-Win Cooperation

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Steadily Expanding Institutional Opening-Up to Forge New Prospects of China-Nigeria Win-Win Cooperation

By: Yu Dunhai, Chinese Ambassador to Nigeria

In October this year, the Fourth Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China was convened in Beijing. The session reviewed and adopted the Recommendations of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China for Formulating the 15th Five-Year Plan for National Economic and Social Development, outlining a grand blueprint for China’s development over the next five years, pointing the way forward for Chinese modernization.

The session also laid out plans for improving the institutions and mechanisms for high-standard opening-up, explicitly putting forward “steadily expanding institutional opening-up”. Unlike the opening-up centered on the flow of goods and factors, institutional opening-up, as a hallmark of high-standard openness, focus more on rules, regulations, management, and standards. It is more comprehensive, systematic, and stable, representing a more advanced form of opening-up.

In recent years, the transformation of the global trading system has been accelerating. On one hand, trade in developed economies has weakened, while the Global South has become the main driver of global trade growth. On the other hand, the WTO-centered multilateral trading system has faced increasing challenges, and mega-free trade agreements promoted by developed economies have gained an advantage in reshaping global rules. These trends indicate that the global economic governance system is struggling to keep pace with an evolving landscape.

In this context, steadily advancing institutional opening-up will enhance China’s participation in the reform of global economic governance. By firmly supporting the WTO-centered multilateral trading system and steadily expanding institutional openness in rules, regulations, management, and standards, China will strengthen its leadership and agenda-setting influence in shaping international economic and trade rules. Meanwhile, China will also participate more comprehensively in WTO reform and the adjustment of global economic and trade rules, contributing more public goods to the world.

Since December 1, 2024, China has granted zero-tariff treatment to 100% of products from all least developed countries (LDCs) with which it has diplomatic relations, covering 33 African nations. In June this year, China further extended this zero-tariff policy to include all 53 African countries that have established diplomatic ties with it. These measures reflect the consistent implementation of the principle of “mutual benefit and win-win cooperation” in guiding China-Africa relations and highlight China’s firm determination to adapt to the evolving international landscape and strengthen multilateral economic and trade relations.

Moreover, China’s zero-tariff policy toward African countries will help reshape the trade landscape between China and Africa, elevating Africa’s position in international trade and global supply chains. It will also support African nations in achieving industrial chain upgrading, moving beyond a “resource-export” economic model, and accelerating their industrialization and modernization, further illustrating the great significance of strengthening cooperation among Global South countries.

China and Nigeria share a long-standing and profound friendship. In recent years, bilateral relations between our two countries have grown rapidly. Last September, during the meeting between President Xi Jinping and President Bola Tinubu in Beijing, the two heads of state elevated the China-Nigeria relationship to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. China supports Nigeria in playing a greater role in international and regional affairs and stands ready to strengthen coordination with Nigeria through multilateral mechanisms. Together, the two sides will advance solidarity and self-reliant development of the Global South, advance world multi-polarization and economic globalization, and contribute to a more just and equitable global governance system.

China is also willing to advance high-quality cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative and work together with Nigeria to align the “Ten Partnership Actions” of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) with President Tinubu’s “Renewed Hope” Agenda and his administration’s “Eight Priority Areas.” To further this goal, China also stands ready to implement the zero-tariff policy through the negotiation and signing of the Agreement on Economic Partnership for Shared Development. Furthermore, China is willing to walk hand in hand with Nigeria on the path to modernization, strengthen strategic synergy, expand all-round cooperation, deliver more tangible outcomes, and serve the development needs of both countries.

Steadily Expanding Institutional Opening-Up to Forge New Prospects of China-Nigeria Win-Win Cooperation

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