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China-Africa Infrastructure Cooperation:Building the Groundwork for a Better Future
China-Africa Infrastructure Cooperation:
Building the Groundwork for a Better Future
By: Yi Xin
When speaking of China-Africa cooperation, the word “kaleidoscopic” comes to mind. Recent years have seen fruitful outcomes of the bilateral cooperation in multiple fields. Among them, infrastructure is hardly one to miss.
From the plateau in the east to the coast in the west, from the landlocked countries in the sub-Saharan region to the small island states in the Western Indian Ocean, roads, railways, bridges, ports, schools, hospitals and power stations built with Chinese assistance are paving the groundwork for a better future for a land of promise and potential.
Transport projects drive a more connected future.
“To get rich, build roads first.” This is not just a popular Chinese proverb, but an important takeaway from China’s own development. Drawing on this experience, China has spent decades working with Africa to build the transport backbone necessary for driving economic growth.
It would be remiss not to mention the Addis Ababa-Djibouti Railway (AADR), a transport artery connecting Ethiopia and Djibouti and the first electrified transnational railway in East Africa. It is a flagship Belt and Road cooperation project, and one of the two main lines of transport in the Outlook on Peace and Development in the Horn of Africa which China put forward in 2022 to support regional countries in addressing security, development and governance challenges.
The railway greatly improved the access of countries along the route to the outside world. It has cut transport time for freight goods from more than three days to less than 20 hours, and reduced the cost by at least one-third. To date, the railway has transported 680,000 passengers and 9.5 million tons of cargo, with an average annual growth rate of 39 percent in revenue. As countries in the region grapple with soaring oil prices, the electrified railway has played an increasingly important role in delivering essential materials such as edible oil and fertilizers to meet the needs of socioeconomic development.
In May this year, the Chinese contractors handed over the railway’s management and operation to the African side after six years of smooth operation. Ethiopian Minister of Finance Ahmed Shide said, “The Addis Ababa-Djibouti railway line is an example of the ever-flourishing Sino-African relations. The Sino-African partnership has passed the test of time, demonstrated its resilience, and marks a brighter and strong future.”
In recent years, more and more infrastructure projects in Africa undertaken by China have yielded tangible benefits, often exceeding the traditional transport domain. Since the establishment of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in 2000, according to the “China and Africa in the New Era: A Partnership of Equals” white paper, Chinese companies have helped African countries build or upgrade more than 10,000 km of railways, nearly 100,000 km of highways, nearly 1,000 bridges, nearly 100 ports, 66,000 km of power transmission and distribution, an installed power-generating capacity of 120 million kW, a communications backbone network of 150,000 km, and a network service covering nearly 700 million user terminals.
Blue economy cooperation cultivates talent.
The ocean connects countries; it also bears infinite hope. In recent years, under the Vision for Maritime Cooperation under the Belt and Road Initiative and The Belt and Road Blue Cooperation Initiative, China has taken concrete steps to forge a blue partnership with Africa.
In China-Africa Cooperation Vision 2035 released at the eighth FOCAC Ministerial Conference in 2021, cooperation on the blue economy is listed as a “new growth area” that can “add value to and sustainably utilize marine resources.” The infrastructure projects in this field have created many local jobs and helped train much-needed engineers, technicians and other skilled professionals for Africa.
The Lamu Port Project in Kenya is an exemplar. It has an important place in Kenya Vision 2030, the country’s long-term development blueprint. Built by a Chinese company, the port is part of Kenya’s bid to become a major trading hub in East Africa.
Over three-quarters of the project’s hirees were African. The Chinese companies send experienced and skilled Chinese workers to provide on-the-job training for local recruits. This was met with much enthusiasm among young Africans. More than 2,500 job opportunities with such tailored training produced a large number of skilled workers. After the project was completed, they were able to find new jobs and lead better lives with the skills they mastered.
Green economy cooperation supercharges energy transition.
China has been an important partner in Africa’s green transition. To date, China has undertaken more than 100 clean energy projects under the FOCAC framework, supporting African countries in making better use of clean energy such as solar, hydro, wind and geothermal power.
The De Aar Wind Farm has changed the energy landscape of South Africa. As the first wind power project financed, constructed and operated by a Chinese company in Africa, it supplies 760 million kilowatt-hours of clean electricity annually, meeting the electricity needs of 300,000 households. This has contributed to closing the gap caused by unstable clean energy and addressing the electricity shortage in South Africa.
China’s continuous efforts to help develop infrastructure in Africa over the decades find roots in Confucian philosophy. To quote The Analects, “ A man of virtue, while establishing himself and pursuing success, also works to establish others and enable them to succeed as well.” In other words, in pursuing its own development, China sincerely hopes to see African countries, which are also important members of the Global South, become prosperous and strong.
(Yi Xin is a Beijing-based international affairs commentator.
China-Africa Infrastructure Cooperation:
Building the Groundwork for a Better Future
News
Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions
Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions
By: Zagazola Makama
Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye has dismissed Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko and dissolved the country’s government following months of growing political tensions between the two leaders.
The decision was announced late Friday through a presidential decree broadcast on state television.
According to the decree read by a presidential aide, President Faye “ended the duties of Ousmane Sonko and consequently those of the ministers and secretaries of state who are members of the government.”
No immediate replacement for Sonko was announced as of the time of filing this report.
The dismissal followed a parliamentary session earlier in the week during which Sonko openly criticised President Faye, further exposing divisions within the ruling political establishment.
Political observers said relations between the two leaders had deteriorated in recent months over issues relating to party leadership, governance direction and the management of state affairs.
Analysts noted that the development could introduce fresh political uncertainty in Senegal at a time the country is facing mounting economic pressures, including rising public debt and broader fiscal challenges.
The dissolution of the government is expected to trigger consultations within the ruling coalition ahead of the appointment of a new prime minister and cabinet.
Senegal has long been regarded as one of West Africa’s more stable democracies, but recent political tensions have continued to attract regional and international attention.
Senegal President sacks Prime Minister Sonko, dissolves government amid growing tensions
News
Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle
Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle
By: Zagazola Makama
The dismissal of Senegalese Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko by President Bassirou Diomaye Faye marks the culmination of a political rupture that many observers had long considered unavoidable.
What once appeared to be one of the strongest political alliances in contemporary Senegalese politics gradually evolved into a tense rivalry shaped less by ideology than by competing ambitions, institutional contradictions and the struggle for control of executive authority.
For months, tensions within the ruling camp had become increasingly visible. Though both men emerged from the same political movement and jointly embodied the rise of the PASTEF coalition against former President Macky Sall, the coexistence between a highly charismatic political mentor and a constitutionally empowered head of state proved difficult to sustain.
The crisis is anchored in a fundamental institutional reality:Senegal’s constitutional system ultimately concentrates executive legitimacy in the presidency.
While the Prime Minister exercises substantial governmental authority, the President remains the central pillar of executive power, deriving legitimacy directly from universal suffrage and serving as the supreme authority of the state.
Sources say that the conflict emerged because Sonko increasingly projected himself not merely as head of government, but as an alternative center of political gravity within the state apparatus.
Public speeches, political positioning and repeated demonstrations of personal influence created the perception that two competing executives were operating simultaneously within the same administration.
In highly presidential systems, such arrangements rarely survive for long.
Political theorists have often observed that leaders who attain supreme office tend to resist the emergence of rival figures whose popularity, influence or visibility may overshadow their own authority. The situation in Senegal increasingly reflected that classic tension between institutional legitimacy and political charisma.
Sonko’s political trajectory has long been built around a populist and confrontational style that resonated strongly with segments of Senegalese youth and anti-establishment voters. His appeal stemmed from a mixture of direct rhetoric, anti-system positioning, nationalist discourse and his ability to embody political resistance during years of confrontation with the former administration.
However, the same qualities that fueled his rise may also have contributed to his political isolation. Sourcds note that charismatic populist figures often struggle to adapt from opposition politics to the discipline and compromise required in governance. A political strategy built around constant confrontation can become difficult to reconcile with the institutional restraints of executive power-sharing.
Over time, Sonko appeared increasingly convinced that he remained the true engine behind the ruling coalition’s legitimacy and electoral success. That perception may have encouraged attempts to expand his political influence beyond the traditional boundaries of the prime ministerial office.
For President Diomaye Faye, allowing such an imbalance to persist carried political risks.
The removal of Sonko ultimately reaffirmed a basic constitutional principle, regardless of personal popularity, a Prime Minister remains subordinate to presidential authority in Senegal’s current institutional framework.
By dismissing his Prime Minister, Diomaye signaled that he intended to fully exercise the powers attached to the presidency rather than govern under the shadow of a more dominant political personality.
The decision may also represent an attempt to consolidate state authority, reassure institutional actors and prevent the emergence of dual centers of power capable of paralysing governance. Yet the move is not without danger.
Sonko still commands significant grassroots support and retains strong influence within sections of PASTEF and among politically mobilized youth constituencies. His removal could deepen divisions inside the ruling coalition and potentially reshape Senegal’s political landscape ahead of future elections.
One of the major questions now facing Senegalese politics is whether PASTEF can survive the split without suffering a major internal fracture. Political history across Africa shows that when alliances forged in opposition reach power, tensions often emerge over authority, succession and control of state institutions.
Some party officials and elected representatives may rally behind the President, who controls the state apparatus and constitutional legitimacy. Others may remain loyal to Sonko due to his personal popularity and historical role in the movement’s rise.
The outcome of that struggle could determine whether Senegal experiences a relatively stable political recomposition or enters a prolonged period of institutional tension.
Another key factor will be public sentiment. During years of opposition politics, confrontation and political mobilisation energized large sections of the electorate. However, governing presents different expectations. Many Senegalese citizens now appear increasingly concerned with economic management, institutional stability, governance reforms and social calm rather than perpetual political conflict.
That shift may strengthen Diomaye’s position if he succeeds in presenting himself as a stabilizing statesman capable of governing above partisan rivalries. At the same time, any perception that Sonko has been politically sidelined or unfairly neutralized could trigger renewed political mobilisation among his supporters.
The crisis illustrates a recurring lesson in political systems across the world. Conquering power together is often easier than sharing it afterward. The Diomaye–Sonko alliance was extraordinarily effective as an opposition force united against a common adversary. But once in office, the unresolved question of who truly embodied executive authority became increasingly difficult to avoid.
What began as political complementarity gradually transformed into institutional competition.
The final outcome remains uncertain. Diomaye may emerge stronger by consolidating presidential authority, or Sonko could retain enough political capital to remain a major force capable of reshaping Senegal’s future political balance.
Either way, the rupture marks a turning point in Senegalese politics and may redefine the future trajectory of one of West Africa’s most closely watched democracies.
Why the Diomaye–Sonko Split Became Almost Inevitable Amid Senegal’s Power Struggle
News
Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes
Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes
By Comrade Philip Ikodor
KADUNA – When a soldier falls in the line of duty, the echoes of the final salute eventually fade, but for the families left behind, a silent and grueling battle begins. While these brave men defended the nation’s sovereignty with courage, their widows are often left to navigate a minefield of poverty, trauma, and social isolation.
In a decisive move to address these challenges, the Ashlee Momoh Foundation (AMF) held a special outreach event at the Golden Orange Gate Hotel in Kaduna State on Thursday, May 21, 2026. The initiative sought to provide a lifeline to the families of departed heroes, framed not as charity, but as a profound national debt of gratitude.

The Chairperson and CEO of the Foundation, Princess Ashlee Momoh, emphasized that the AMF remains committed to ensuring no widow walks alone. She noted that the sacrifice of a soldier continues in the quiet hallways of homes where wives suddenly become sole providers.
“Many military widows face a daunting reality: sudden loss of income, housing insecurity, and a lack of access to specialized mental health support,” Princess Momoh stated. “Unless intentional interventions are made, these families remain trapped in a cycle of hardship that dishonors the legacy of the departed. Your story does not end in sorrow; it continues in purpose.”

Princess Momoh outlined the Foundation’s three strategic pillars designed to bridge the gap between loss and self-sufficiency:
Economic Independence: Providing small business grants, financial literacy, and vocational skills to restore dignity and autonomy.
Securing the Future: Offering scholarships and tuition assistance so that children do not pay for their fathers’ patriotism with their education. Emotional Fortitude: Establishing counseling and wellness groups to ensure widows are seen, heard, and sustained.

The Chairperson called for a “whole-of-society” approach, urging the government, private sector, and philanthropic organizations to join in collective action. While government intervention is pivotal, she noted that partnerships are essential to scaling the impact of these programs.
The event featured the distribution of empowerment gift items and the announcement of new scholarship awards. Prominent guests, partners and volunteers in attendance included Special Guests of Honor, Air Commodore Chris Dola (Rtd), PhD, and General Brown Yakubu (Rtd), CEO of Golden Orange Gate Hotel, both of whom delivered goodwill messages and also contributed immensely in support of the Foundation’s mission.
Beyond the Frontline: Ashlee Momoh Foundation Restores Hope to Widows of Fallen Heroes
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