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EXCLUSIVE: Army Operations Restore Peace as Over 25,000 Villagers Return in Sokoto but Questions Linger Over Government Neglect

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EXCLUSIVE: Army Operations Restore Peace as Over 25,000 Villagers Return in Sokoto but Questions Linger Over Government Neglect

By Zagazola Makama

The Nigerian Army’s intensified counter-terrorism operations along the Sokoto–Niger Republic corridor have led to the safe return of more than 25,000 internally displaced persons to their ancestral communities, many of whom fled their homes due to persistent attacks by motorcycle-riding bandits disguised as foreign jihadists known as Lakurawa.

After tears and trauma, peace has finally returned to Tsauna, Tandaza, and other parts of the Gudu–Tangaza axis in Sokoto State, thanks to sustained operations by troops of Operation FANSAN YANMA. Yet, while villagers trek home to their communities, a haunting question persists: where was the state government when bandits reigned?

From 2021 through late 2023, these remote communities bordering Niger were held hostage not by foreign fighters with grand ideologies, but by loosely organized, heavily armed criminal gangs on motorcycles. They murdered, looted, and raped at will, while the state and local governments watched from a distance, often offering conspiracy theories instead of meaningful governance. It was the Nigerian Army’s boots-on-the-ground young men and women who braved forests and perilous terrain, defying the attackers and gave residents the courage to return.

We Were on Our Own

“We were on our own,” said Malam Usman Gidado, a returning farmer in Tsauna. “We ran because there was no protection. Even our traditional leaders fled. But today, we are back, thanks to the Nigerian Army.” Gidado described how soldiers told villagers to farm freely, assuring them they could do so without fear.

Despite repeated intelligence reports of remnants of foreign-trained militants radicalized during the Libyan crisis slipping through the porous Sokoto–Niger border, the government of Sokoto State responded mostly with empty press statements. At one point, officials and some security agencies promoted the narrative that a new extremist group called Lakurawa had taken control of parts of Sokoto.

However, extensive investigations by Zagazola Media Network revealed that this was largely politically motivated posturing designed to attract federal attention. There was no evidence of a structured Lakurawa presence, no camps, no flags, just wandering motorcycle gangs of five to ten armed criminals, often exaggerated and inflated in social media and political discourse.

In Tsauna, a village they claimed was Lakurawa’s headquarters, we found nothing but 15,000 displaced residents struggling to survive. Just 15 kilometers from Illela, Tsauna had never seen a hospital, tarred road, police post or any form of government presence. The only school in the area had been shut down long ago, and the local government chairman had never visited. Yet, when violence erupted, officials and community leaders declared it a terrorist enclave.

“Since the Army Came, Peace Has Returned”

According to Magaji Garba, the Maigari (community leader) of Tsauni, who spoke through an interpreter, the village had been deserted long before the military’s intervention. “Since they came to Tsauni, peace has returned. No attacks have occurred here or in neighboring communities. We are grateful to the Nigerian Army,” he said. Garba added that the community lacked basic social amenities no school, no road, no hospital, no mosque and pleaded with the state government to implement meaningful development.

Alhaji Bashir Mai Adashe, a local resident, described the situation: “Most border villages are cut off from governance. The only government here is the soldier who sleeps in our bush.”

The Turning Point: Women and Brave Action

At the height of the violence, communities were so terrified that just two armed bandits could force hundreds to flee. Men initially refused to resist out of fear. However, a remarkable turn came when the troops instructed women to confront the bandits. They told them, “If any bandit comes again, throw stones at them.”
The women took the advice seriously. When two bandits later tried to infiltrate Tsauna, they mobilized, pelted the attackers with stones, killing one and injuring the other. Soldiers later recovered the bandits’ weapons, and the entire village erupted in celebration. Since then, Tsauna has remained peaceful.

Military Campaigns Continue

Few days later, the troops of Operation FANSAN YANMA led by one Col. Abdullahi Umar, Commanding Officer of the 248 Task Force Battalion and head of the Defence Headquarters’ Special Operations Brigade, supported by the COAS Special Intervention Battalion led the troops in a decisive operation and cleared several camps supposedly occupied by the Lukurawa terrorists. Since then, the troops had conducted at least 32 clearance Operations within Tangaza general area. The operation, code-named “Chase Lakurawas Out,” is a continuation of the military’s Operation Forest Sanity III initiative. It aims to consolidate earlier successes recorded in dismantling terrorist strongholds.

The Operation yielded positive results

Military forces destroyed 22 bandits camps, neutralized several sect members, and seized an array of weapons and ammunition.
Key areas targeted in these operations include Rumji Dutse, Sarma, Tsauna, Bauni, Malgatawa, Gargao, Magara, Kaideji, Nakuru, Sama, Sanyinna, Kadidda, Kolo, and Dancha Villages across Illela, Tangaza, and Binji Local Government Areas.

According to Col. Umar, despite recent military successes, he warned that lasting peace remains elusive unless concerned stakeholders especially at the state and local levels steps up to provide solutions to the historical mistrust between Hausa and Fulani communities in the Tangaza–Gudu–Sauna belt, which often complicates military operations. Locals sometimes give false intelligence, leading to near-disasters.

“Someone tells us there are terrorists in a house. We storm in and find women cooking. If we were not cautious, we could have killed innocents,” he said. A young Fulani girl encountered during an operation ran away in fear, assuming the military would harm her. When they caught up with her, she explained: bandits had killed her family, and now the community blamed her for surviving. These are the children at risk of radicalization not because of ideology, but because of abandonment.

“Sources also sometimes exaggerate numbers of the terrorists. Sometimes they tell us that there are about 800 Lakurawa but when we get there we will found out that they are 8 bandits and not even 80. But their initial claims would be everywhere in the media,”said Umar.

During an exclusive tour to the enclaves around the Tangaza–Gudu–Sauna, Binji and Silame, it was discovered that every time troops pass through, children, youth, and elders pour into the streets shouting ‘Inda Rabana’ Ba Wahala” meaning If there is God, there will be no problem.

For these people, the only government that they know is the troops the Nigerian Army.

“We are grateful to the Nigerian Army. They didn’t just fight, they lived with us, protected us, and gave us hope,” said Hajia Hauwa, a Tsauni resident, as she added that “What we face here is not just military. It is social collapse. Ethnic distrust, no schools, no clinics, no leadership. That’s the problem.

Zagazola Makama therefore warn that unless the governments begin to invest in infrastructure, education, and reconciliation, the fragile peace may crumble. You can’t win peace with bullets alone. You need teachers, roads, local leaders, and dialogue. If these people feel the government doesn’t care, they’ll make alliances with whoever promises protection.

The restored peace in Sokoto’s border communities is a hard-won success one built not on myths or exaggerated threats, but on ground-level courage, soldier-civilian collaboration, and a growing belief that home can once again be safe.

Despite the restoration of peace, the border remains dangerously porous, facilitating the movement of armed groups, weapons, and ammunition between Nigeria and Niger. Experts warn that without enhanced surveillance and deterrence, cross-border infiltration will continue. The government would do well to leverage technology by equipping the military with drones, long-range surveillance cameras, and additional platforms capable of monitoring vast, unmanned terrain. These tools will help cover operational gaps in areas where troops cannot be physically present.

The military has done its part by restoring peace, rebuilding trust, and enabling return. Now, it is the turn of government. But gratitude is not enough. Sokoto’s border communities deserve more than just momentary relief from terror. They deserve roads, schools, hospitals, and governance that shows up in peace not only in war. Until then, the silence of the state will remain louder than the bullets of the bandits.

Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad Region

EXCLUSIVE: Army Operations Restore Peace as Over 25,000 Villagers Return in Sokoto but Questions Linger Over Government Neglect

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Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara

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Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara

By: Zagazola Makama

The Zamfara State Police Command says it has successfully foiled a planned attack after its Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) unit discovered and safely destroyed an Improvised Explosive Device (IED) in Tsafe Local Government Area of the state.

The Command said the operation was carried out on Friday at about 4:15 p.m. along the Kunchin Kalgo axis following credible intelligence received through community engagement efforts.

According to a statement issued by the Command, operatives of the Violence Crime Response Unit (VCRU), in collaboration with the EOD team, swiftly mobilised to the area after receiving information about a suspected explosive device planted by bandits.

Preliminary findings indicated that the device was strategically planted along the road with the intent of causing mass casualties among commuters and other road users.

The statement added that the timely response of the operatives led to the safe detection, evacuation and controlled destruction of the explosive device before it could cause any harm.

The Command commended the vigilance and cooperation of local residents, describing community support as critical to ongoing security operations in the state.

It further assured residents that efforts were ongoing to identify, arrest and prosecute those responsible for planting the device.

The police also disclosed that patrols had been intensified across vulnerable areas to prevent similar incidents and ensure the safety of road users.

The Commissioner of Police, A.M. Bello, reiterated the Command’s commitment to sustained operations against banditry and other violent crimes in Zamfara State.

Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara

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Russia’s Role in the Widening Insecurity in Africa

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Russia’s Role in the Widening Insecurity in Africa

By Ipole Amajama

The African continent is once again at the centre of a geopolitical storm. From the Sahel to Nigeria, insecurity is spreading at an alarming speed, threatening fragile states and destabilising entire regions. While local dynamics and systemic weaknesses play a role, Russia’s involvement raises troubling questions about its motives and the consequences for Africa and beyond.

Nigeria faces a growing terrorist threat that is no longer confined to its borders. The collapse of governance in several states of the Alliance of Sahelian Juntas (AES) has created fertile ground for extremist groups. These failed states have become incubators of insecurity, exporting violence into neighbouring countries. The challenge is no longer whether to support or oppose the junta, but how to deal with their failures and the regional consequences of their isolation.

Russia’s actions in Africa reveal a clear pattern: its primary aim is not to stabilise the continent but to create a secondary frontline against the West. By fostering instability in Africa, Moscow seeks to divert European attention and resources away from Ukraine. The Kremlin’s involvement is less about partnership and more about exploiting chaos for strategic advantage.

This raises a critical question: is Russia simply incapable of offering meaningful support, or is it deliberately spreading insecurity? The evidence suggests that Moscow benefits from turmoil in Africa, whether by design or by opportunism.

Whatever happens in Africa has little direct impact on Russia. The continent is geographically distant, and Russia’s economic ties with African nations are minimal. In fact, Africa’s collapse could even benefit Moscow. African oil, gas, and mineral exports compete with Russia’s own. If insecurity disrupts African production, global prices rise—strengthening Russia’s export revenues.

Europe, however, bears the brunt of Africa’s instability. Migratory pressure from conflict zones is already reshaping European politics. Far-right parties, often sympathetic to Russia, are gaining ground in countries like France and the UK. By exacerbating insecurity in Africa, Moscow indirectly fuels migration flows that influence European voters. This strategy weakens European unity and undermines support for Ukraine.

From a Russian perspective, encouraging instability in Africa is a shrewd way to manipulate European politics. The more Africans flee insecurity and attempt to reach Europe, the greater the strain on European societies. This pressure amplifies populist narratives, strengthens far-right movements, and erodes mainstream political consensus. Since many far-right parties are pro-Russia, the Kremlin gains strategic leverage by destabilising Africa.

Russia’s record in the Sahel is damning. It has done nothing to fight terrorism. Instead, it has encouraged juntas to isolate themselves from the international community, sever ties with African neighbours, and expel Western intelligence and military support. In exchange, the Sahel states received nothing of substance. Russian involvement has failed to improve security, governance, or economic conditions. On the contrary, the situation has worsened.

It is difficult to determine whether Russia is acting with malicious intent or simply behaving irresponsibly. Either way, the outcome is the same: worsening insecurity. Moscow’s promises of support have proven empty. Its presence has deepened instability, leaving African populations more vulnerable than before.

The hypothesis of a cynical will to facilitate insecurity cannot be dismissed. Russia appears to be the only clear winner of Africa’s suffering. By exploiting chaos, Moscow strengthens its geopolitical position, increases its export revenues, and undermines European resolve.

The lesson is stark: Africa must never again rely on a self-proclaimed outside “saviour.” Russia’s involvement has shown that external powers may prioritise their own interests over African stability. The continent must instead build resilience through self-reliance and multilateral cooperation.

African nations should pursue balanced partnerships that preserve freedom of action. By engaging with multiple partners—regional organisations, international institutions, and diverse allies—Africa can avoid dependency and secure more effective support. Only through collective action can African states confront terrorism, strengthen governance, and protect their sovereignty.

Russia’s role in Africa is not about solidarity or development. It is about exploiting insecurity to advance its global strategy. By destabilising Africa, Moscow weakens Europe, strengthens far-right allies, and boosts its own economic position. Whether through negligence or deliberate manipulation, Russia has worsened Africa’s plight.

The challenge for Africa is to recognise this reality and chart a new path. The continent must rely on itself, build multilateral frameworks, and reject the false promises of external saviours. Only then can Africa safeguard its future and prevent its suffering from being weaponised to serve foreign ambitions.

Amajama, a social commentator, writes from Abuja and can be reached via amajamaip@gmail.com

Russia’s Role in the Widening Insecurity in Africa

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Buni approved the appointment of Yerima as the new emir of Ngazargamu.

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Buni approved the appointment of Yerima as the new emir of Ngazargamu.

By: Yahaya Wakili

Governor Mai Mala Buni CON, COMN of Yobe state has approved the appointment of Alhaji Yerima Ibn Mahmud as the new Emir of Ngazargamu.

This is contained in a statement signed and issued today, 12th June, 2026, by the acting secretary to the state government, Dr. Mohammed Goje, in Damaturu.

The appointment of the new emir of Ngazargamu followed the demise of the late emir, Alhaji Tijjani Ahmed Ibn-Saleh Geidam, who passed away recently in Cairo, Egypt, after a protracted illness.

Until his appointment, the new Mai Ngazargamu was the Turakin Ngazargamu, an office he held for 16 years. He was also a member of the State House of Assembly.

The new emir of Ngazargamu, Alhaji Yerima Ibn Mahmud, has at different times served as a member of the State Executive Council and the state commissioner for livestock development before the new appointment.

Governor Mai Mala Buni, while congratulating the new emir and the Ngazargamu emirate, urged the new emir to use his wealth of experience to unite the people, promote peace and peaceful coexistence, and foster economic growth of the emirate, Yobe State, and Nigeria as a whole.

Similarly, Governor Buni called on the people to support the new emir to execute the functions of his office diligently, effectively, and efficiently for the benefit of the people, peace, unity, and prosperity of the emirate.

Buni approved the appointment of Yerima as the new emir of Ngazargamu.

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