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EXCLUSIVE: Army Operations Restore Peace as Over 25,000 Villagers Return in Sokoto but Questions Linger Over Government Neglect
EXCLUSIVE: Army Operations Restore Peace as Over 25,000 Villagers Return in Sokoto but Questions Linger Over Government Neglect
By Zagazola Makama
The Nigerian Army’s intensified counter-terrorism operations along the Sokoto–Niger Republic corridor have led to the safe return of more than 25,000 internally displaced persons to their ancestral communities, many of whom fled their homes due to persistent attacks by motorcycle-riding bandits disguised as foreign jihadists known as Lakurawa.
After tears and trauma, peace has finally returned to Tsauna, Tandaza, and other parts of the Gudu–Tangaza axis in Sokoto State, thanks to sustained operations by troops of Operation FANSAN YANMA. Yet, while villagers trek home to their communities, a haunting question persists: where was the state government when bandits reigned?
From 2021 through late 2023, these remote communities bordering Niger were held hostage not by foreign fighters with grand ideologies, but by loosely organized, heavily armed criminal gangs on motorcycles. They murdered, looted, and raped at will, while the state and local governments watched from a distance, often offering conspiracy theories instead of meaningful governance. It was the Nigerian Army’s boots-on-the-ground young men and women who braved forests and perilous terrain, defying the attackers and gave residents the courage to return.

We Were on Our Own
“We were on our own,” said Malam Usman Gidado, a returning farmer in Tsauna. “We ran because there was no protection. Even our traditional leaders fled. But today, we are back, thanks to the Nigerian Army.” Gidado described how soldiers told villagers to farm freely, assuring them they could do so without fear.
Despite repeated intelligence reports of remnants of foreign-trained militants radicalized during the Libyan crisis slipping through the porous Sokoto–Niger border, the government of Sokoto State responded mostly with empty press statements. At one point, officials and some security agencies promoted the narrative that a new extremist group called Lakurawa had taken control of parts of Sokoto.
However, extensive investigations by Zagazola Media Network revealed that this was largely politically motivated posturing designed to attract federal attention. There was no evidence of a structured Lakurawa presence, no camps, no flags, just wandering motorcycle gangs of five to ten armed criminals, often exaggerated and inflated in social media and political discourse.

In Tsauna, a village they claimed was Lakurawa’s headquarters, we found nothing but 15,000 displaced residents struggling to survive. Just 15 kilometers from Illela, Tsauna had never seen a hospital, tarred road, police post or any form of government presence. The only school in the area had been shut down long ago, and the local government chairman had never visited. Yet, when violence erupted, officials and community leaders declared it a terrorist enclave.
“Since the Army Came, Peace Has Returned”
According to Magaji Garba, the Maigari (community leader) of Tsauni, who spoke through an interpreter, the village had been deserted long before the military’s intervention. “Since they came to Tsauni, peace has returned. No attacks have occurred here or in neighboring communities. We are grateful to the Nigerian Army,” he said. Garba added that the community lacked basic social amenities no school, no road, no hospital, no mosque and pleaded with the state government to implement meaningful development.
Alhaji Bashir Mai Adashe, a local resident, described the situation: “Most border villages are cut off from governance. The only government here is the soldier who sleeps in our bush.”
The Turning Point: Women and Brave Action
At the height of the violence, communities were so terrified that just two armed bandits could force hundreds to flee. Men initially refused to resist out of fear. However, a remarkable turn came when the troops instructed women to confront the bandits. They told them, “If any bandit comes again, throw stones at them.”
The women took the advice seriously. When two bandits later tried to infiltrate Tsauna, they mobilized, pelted the attackers with stones, killing one and injuring the other. Soldiers later recovered the bandits’ weapons, and the entire village erupted in celebration. Since then, Tsauna has remained peaceful.
Military Campaigns Continue
Few days later, the troops of Operation FANSAN YANMA led by one Col. Abdullahi Umar, Commanding Officer of the 248 Task Force Battalion and head of the Defence Headquarters’ Special Operations Brigade, supported by the COAS Special Intervention Battalion led the troops in a decisive operation and cleared several camps supposedly occupied by the Lukurawa terrorists. Since then, the troops had conducted at least 32 clearance Operations within Tangaza general area. The operation, code-named “Chase Lakurawas Out,” is a continuation of the military’s Operation Forest Sanity III initiative. It aims to consolidate earlier successes recorded in dismantling terrorist strongholds.

The Operation yielded positive results
Military forces destroyed 22 bandits camps, neutralized several sect members, and seized an array of weapons and ammunition.
Key areas targeted in these operations include Rumji Dutse, Sarma, Tsauna, Bauni, Malgatawa, Gargao, Magara, Kaideji, Nakuru, Sama, Sanyinna, Kadidda, Kolo, and Dancha Villages across Illela, Tangaza, and Binji Local Government Areas.
According to Col. Umar, despite recent military successes, he warned that lasting peace remains elusive unless concerned stakeholders especially at the state and local levels steps up to provide solutions to the historical mistrust between Hausa and Fulani communities in the Tangaza–Gudu–Sauna belt, which often complicates military operations. Locals sometimes give false intelligence, leading to near-disasters.
“Someone tells us there are terrorists in a house. We storm in and find women cooking. If we were not cautious, we could have killed innocents,” he said. A young Fulani girl encountered during an operation ran away in fear, assuming the military would harm her. When they caught up with her, she explained: bandits had killed her family, and now the community blamed her for surviving. These are the children at risk of radicalization not because of ideology, but because of abandonment.
“Sources also sometimes exaggerate numbers of the terrorists. Sometimes they tell us that there are about 800 Lakurawa but when we get there we will found out that they are 8 bandits and not even 80. But their initial claims would be everywhere in the media,”said Umar.
During an exclusive tour to the enclaves around the Tangaza–Gudu–Sauna, Binji and Silame, it was discovered that every time troops pass through, children, youth, and elders pour into the streets shouting ‘Inda Rabana’ Ba Wahala” meaning If there is God, there will be no problem.
For these people, the only government that they know is the troops the Nigerian Army.
“We are grateful to the Nigerian Army. They didn’t just fight, they lived with us, protected us, and gave us hope,” said Hajia Hauwa, a Tsauni resident, as she added that “What we face here is not just military. It is social collapse. Ethnic distrust, no schools, no clinics, no leadership. That’s the problem.
Zagazola Makama therefore warn that unless the governments begin to invest in infrastructure, education, and reconciliation, the fragile peace may crumble. You can’t win peace with bullets alone. You need teachers, roads, local leaders, and dialogue. If these people feel the government doesn’t care, they’ll make alliances with whoever promises protection.
The restored peace in Sokoto’s border communities is a hard-won success one built not on myths or exaggerated threats, but on ground-level courage, soldier-civilian collaboration, and a growing belief that home can once again be safe.
Despite the restoration of peace, the border remains dangerously porous, facilitating the movement of armed groups, weapons, and ammunition between Nigeria and Niger. Experts warn that without enhanced surveillance and deterrence, cross-border infiltration will continue. The government would do well to leverage technology by equipping the military with drones, long-range surveillance cameras, and additional platforms capable of monitoring vast, unmanned terrain. These tools will help cover operational gaps in areas where troops cannot be physically present.
The military has done its part by restoring peace, rebuilding trust, and enabling return. Now, it is the turn of government. But gratitude is not enough. Sokoto’s border communities deserve more than just momentary relief from terror. They deserve roads, schools, hospitals, and governance that shows up in peace not only in war. Until then, the silence of the state will remain louder than the bullets of the bandits.
Zagazola Makama is a Counter Insurgency Expert and Security Analyst in the Lake Chad Region
EXCLUSIVE: Army Operations Restore Peace as Over 25,000 Villagers Return in Sokoto but Questions Linger Over Government Neglect
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Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.
Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.
By: Inuwa Bwala.
“March has returned, and with it the Ides. Beware the men who call you brother.”
Julius Caesar was perhaps Rome’s most trusted general. He crossed the Rubicon for Rome, conquered Gaul for Rome, and pardoned enemies for Rome.
Yet it was neither Gaul nor Pompey: his avowed rivals, that killed him. It was Brutus: his friend, and confidant yet his protégé, who was described as “the noblest Roman of them all.”
Julius Caesar did not slump and died because the daggers were too many, rather, bacause he noticed the person he least expected could betray him amongst those stabbing him: Brutus. In utter shock and disbelief, Caesar slumped, but not before he uttered the word,”And you too Brutus?”.
There is no doubt that, Kashim Shettima was Borno’s most tested governor. He walked into boiling areas, when others fled the state. He rebuilt schools bombed by Boko Haram. He chose to stay in Maiduguri when Abuja offered comfort.
As Vice President, he has carried himself as a true statesman abs the face of the Tinubu administration at national and international meets.
He always speaks of “the sanctity of human life” and calked for swifter and total mobilisationagainst terror.
Yet today, whispers from Borno and Abuja suggest the daggers are not in the bush like that of Boko Haram, they are in the hands of his kinsmen, those he hold family meetings and political meetings with.
Those who could read between the line, may be able to tell, when Shettima gave an anecdote at a recent public function, about the visit by his kinsmen to his boss, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, just three months into the life of the administration.
Like Brutus and the conspirators of the Shakespearean fame, who claimed they did not hate Caesar, but loved Rome more, those who visited Tinubu claimed to love Nigeria more and her President, abd not brcause thry hated Shettima.
Brutus in particular played on a so-called republican pride and his fear of tyranny, which he used in convincing himself that betrayal was patriotism. He struck to “save” Rome.
Shettima’s own “Brutuses” use a different script, relying on Shetyima’s perceived ambition and the attendant battle to keep himself in the balance of power as an alibi.
And in the face of contending forces, they recruited people to plsy out the cards, while remaining in the shadows. The charges may appear different with that if Caesar, but the intents are same. And while still smarting from the Muslim-Muslim debacle, Shettima had hradly setyled in office when they began to spread rumours of him, being too Borno, not enough to be a northerner. Too ambitious, fetish, independent minded and growing too popular. One thing they could not take away from him though us the fact that Shettima is intelligent, shrewd and a master schemer, which his boss knows too well.
I had cause to warn of this years ago seeing Shettima’s passive refusal to pick between kinsmen in place of statesmen to work with him.
I could see through the plots to denigrate a fine emergent nationalist by linking him with Boko Haram, painting him as fetish, portraying him as a religious and ethinic checkbox, all in a bud to undo him. The weapon when he was govetnor was insurgency, but the weapon now is political naivity and stereotyping . The tactic includes convincing his Kanuri kinsmen to fight him, so that “when Kanuri fights Kanuri, others will win. But beyond that, even his Kanuri brothers seem to have an axe to grind with him.
The painful truth remains, that, Caesar’s killers were senators in the Capitol, but Shettima’s challengers may be his own kinsmen: some of whom, he nentored snd no one can ever convince him that, they could ever work against him. In both cases, the dagger is dipped in familiarity.
It cuts deeper because the hands holding it, are either those he mentored or once broke bread with him.
Caesar died because he ignored omens. Not even Calpurnia, his wife’s dream could deter him. He ignored the soothsayer, and shunned the Senate’s mood, thinking goodwill was a good sheild and armor.
Shettima’s March 2027 is loaded with omens too, arising from fresh attacks by vested interests, intrigues amongst political players, betrayal by kinsmen, espionage by aides and attachees, dissertion by hitherto close allies, manipulations in the media, ethnic or religious profiling, clandestine meetings that without communiqués, but with lethal intents, contending forces in the party who whisper that 2027 needs a “new pairing.” indeed, the ides are here, because a second term is near, and second terms birth daggers.
As governor, perhaps Shettima survived by moving rather faster than conspiracy. He outrun, those who want to either even scores or shake off his dominace, and those people have remained at daggers drawn with him
How Shettima Survives, will definitely be a refrence point in power struggles in Nigeria.
But unlike Caesar who never learnt, Shettima is a good student of Robert Greens 48 Laws of Power, and must have drawn lessons from the falls of others before him.
To survive, Shettima must learn to trust, but audit the Praetorians. Caesar trusted Brutus with his life. Shettima cannot afford blind trust. The INEC database compromise and probe shows how insider access kills. Shettima must do what he did as governor: forensic audits, no sacred cows. As I earlier said, he must have his own policy, which must not be changed simply because some people want to determine its content.
He must learnt to keep the people, his own trusted people, and must not loose, as Caesar lost Rome due to his belief in his personal prowess and capacity. Shettima still owns Borno’s streets and still conttols the larger and more lethal political forces in the North.
He should be able to name the Brutus, but should not become an Antony, whom at Caesar’s funeral sparked civil unrest. Shettima cannot afford chaos. He should have a machinery on ground that will expose the plot, without burning the Forum. He should expedite action in uniting the North, and rally the support of kinsmen, even as a counterforce, or risks allowing the real enemies to win.
Importantly, he should bear in mind, that, the parabolical March is not the end, the ides pass. For Caesar, it ended at Pompey’s statue, but for Shettima, March can end with a stronger alliance. He must do what he told the nation: “We choose light over shadow, and hope over despair”.
The Verdict of History, had
Brutus dying on his own sword, muttering, “Caesar, now be still.” Betrayal did not save the Republic, rather it buried it.
Shettima’s kinsmen face the same choice. They can strike and wait for the verdict of history, or they can sheathe the dagger and remember: the real enemy still sleeps someehere else.
Twelve years ago, I wrote that Shettima’s ides would test Borno. In 2026, I state without fear of contradiction, that, they will test Nigeria.
Caesar ignored the soothsayer because he was in so much hurry. Shettima, as always, may not be in a hurry, but should he decide to, that hurry may yet save him.
Kashim Shettima: Of Betrayal, Power, and Survival.
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FACT CHECK: No School Attack, No Student Abduction in Kautikari — What Really Happened During the ISWAP Raid
FACT CHECK: No School Attack, No Student Abduction in Kautikari — What Really Happened During the ISWAP Raid
By Zagazola Makama
A wave of alarming reports circulating across social media and some online platforms has claimed that Boko Haram insurgents attacked a school and abducted students in Kautikari community of Chibok Local Government Area, Borno State.
The claims, predictably amplified by emotionally charged references to the 2014 Chibok schoolgirls’ abduction, have generated anxiety among Nigerians following developments in the troubled region.
However, a detailed fact-check by Zagazola Makama, based on assessment from field sources, and video evidence from the scene, has found the claims to be entirely FALSE.
According to sources, the incident occurred at about 7:30 p.m. on June 13 when ISWAP terrorists launched an attack on a hunters’ patrol base located within the premises of a disused primary school in Kautikari.
The facility being used by the hunters was not functioning as a school at the time of the attack, nor were students present at the location. Rather, local hunters had established a patrol outpost within the structure, using some of the classrooms as temporary accommodation and operational shelters while supporting troops of Operation HADIN KAI’s efforts in the area.
The terrorists specifically targeted the hunters’ base and not a school populated by students as widely claimed. Initial resistance by the hunters successfully repelled the first assault.
However, the terrorists later regrouped in larger numbers and launched a second attack, forcing the hunters to temporarily withdraw after running low on ammunition.
Military sources disclosed that reinforcement teams comprising troops of the 117 Task Force Battalion from Kwada, supported by a Quick Response Force, local hunters and vigilante personnel, rapidly mobilized to the scene and engaged the terrorists. The coordinated response eventually overwhelmed the attackers and forced them to retreat.
No Student Was Abducted
Contrary to viral claims, there is no evidence that any student was abducted during the attack. Operational reports from the scene recorded no missing students, no reports of schoolchildren being taken away, and no indication that the terrorists targeted an educational institution in session.
Security sources confirmed that accountability checks conducted after the attack found no cases of student abduction.
In fact, the only confirmed casualties were one civilian who was reportedly struck by a stray bullet fired by the terrorists and one member of the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) who sustained a gunshot wound to the arm.
Sources said also that the terrorists set fire to clothing and personal belongings belonging to the hunters stationed at the outpost. No troops were killed or injured during the engagement.
Further undermining the false reports is video footage obtained by Zagazola Makama from the aftermath of the attack. In the footage, one of the affected hunters is seen showing the damaged facility and burnt belongings while lamenting the destruction caused by the terrorists.
The hunter can be heard explaining that the location served as their place of accommodation and operational base.
“This is where we sleep,” he says while pointing to the affected section of the building.
The footage clearly supports military accounts that the target was a hunters’ outpost and not an occupied school hosting students.
The confusion likely arose because the hunters’ base was situated within the premises of a primary school building.
Photographs and videos showing damaged classrooms were subsequently circulated online without context, leading some platforms to incorrectly conclude that a school had been attacked and students abducted.
The result was the rapid spread of misinformation that failed basic verification standards.
Given Chibok’s painful history, any report involving schools and abductions naturally attracts national and international attention. This makes accurate reporting even more important.
FACT CHECK: No School Attack, No Student Abduction in Kautikari — What Really Happened During the ISWAP Raid
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Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara
Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara
By: Zagazola Makama
The Zamfara State Police Command says it has successfully foiled a planned attack after its Explosive Ordnance Disposal (EOD) unit discovered and safely destroyed an Improvised Explosive Device (IED) in Tsafe Local Government Area of the state.
The Command said the operation was carried out on Friday at about 4:15 p.m. along the Kunchin Kalgo axis following credible intelligence received through community engagement efforts.

According to a statement issued by the Command, operatives of the Violence Crime Response Unit (VCRU), in collaboration with the EOD team, swiftly mobilised to the area after receiving information about a suspected explosive device planted by bandits.
Preliminary findings indicated that the device was strategically planted along the road with the intent of causing mass casualties among commuters and other road users.
The statement added that the timely response of the operatives led to the safe detection, evacuation and controlled destruction of the explosive device before it could cause any harm.
The Command commended the vigilance and cooperation of local residents, describing community support as critical to ongoing security operations in the state.
It further assured residents that efforts were ongoing to identify, arrest and prosecute those responsible for planting the device.
The police also disclosed that patrols had been intensified across vulnerable areas to prevent similar incidents and ensure the safety of road users.
The Commissioner of Police, A.M. Bello, reiterated the Command’s commitment to sustained operations against banditry and other violent crimes in Zamfara State.
Police Foil IED Attack, Destroy Explosive Device in Zamfara
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