International
Gaza: US Failed Resolution at UN was Biased- Envoy
Gaza: US Failed Resolution at UN was Biased- Envoy
By: Michael Mike
The Palestinian Ambassador to Nigeria, Abdullah Shawesh has described as biased the failed United States resolution on Gaza.
Shawesh, who spoke to journalists at the weekend during his weekly briefing on the ongoing Israeli attacks on Gaza, also alleged that Israel has violated Ramadan ceasefire agreement,
He said U.S was biased in its resolution as it failed to call for immediate ceasefire.
Shawesh said, “On Friday, March 22, the USA presented a resolution before the Security Council, which did not pass due to a veto. In this regard, and despite many other criticisms, I would like to highlight the following points:
“So all what you hear on the media about the ceasefire resolution is spout empty words. The US resolution fail to call for an immediate ceasefire that the secretary of state Blinken theorize for it on the media day before tabling it on the security council as the magic stack to put an end to the human suffering in Gaza.
“The US resolution fell short of condemning the ongoing Israeli massacre against the Palestinian people. Instead, it gave Israel the green light to continue its textbook genocide.
“The US resolution emprise and incubated all the Israeli claims about Oct 7 even before any independent fact finding mission or inquiry mission established by independent intergovernmental body to come with final report on what happened on that day.
“The US resolution mentioned the 132 Israeli hostages in Gaza but did not say a word about the more than 7,000 abducted and hostage Palestinians in Israeli concentration camps and prisons, all of whom are subjected to torture, degradation, and ill-treatment, resulting in the deaths of 12 of them so far.
“This is a clear form of racism and white supremacy, prioritizing the lives of Israelis over the lives of Palestinians.
“The US resolution deliberately did not mention any single words on the UN body, UNRWA, which is the most expert and capable body to tackle the humanitarian crises in Gaza, in clear complicity to support the Israeli occupation request to dismantle it. When it came to the humanitarian assistance to the Palestinian no one can deny the crucial role that the UNRWA played since Al-Nakba 1948.
“It is important to note that the US Congress voted not to resume funding for UNRWA until at least 2025, a move welcomed by Israel, which declared that the UN agency will not be part of Gaza’s future.
The US did not mention Israel as the occupation power except one time in the context of the two state solution.”
He also accused the Israeli authorities of not respecting UN resolution which called for ceasefire during the ongoing Ramadan.
He said, “On Monday, March 25, the Security Council adopted the Resolution 2728 calling for an immediate ceasefire during the month of Ramadan. While the ink on the resolution is not yet dry, Israeli cannon barrels are still firing and claiming more innocent Palestinian lives.
“On a practical level, this means Israel has turned its back on the Security Council. Israeli pushback on the UN ceasefire resolution, and the war minister Yoav Gallant said Israel has no moral right to stop the war in Gaza.
“The Israeli occupation authorities have continued their aggression, restrictions, and repressive measures in the occupied West Bank since the beginning of the holy month of Ramadan.
“They have deployed more than 24 military battalions there, imposed a comprehensive siege, cut off ties with partial sieges on all regions and towns, deployed over 750 checkpoints, installed more iron gates, and forced citizens to travel on bumpy roads that consume their time and money.”
He condemned the continue sales of weapons to Isreal, he said according Mary Lawlor – UN special rapporteur on human rights defenders: “There is no moral argument that justifies the continued sales of weapons to Israel. Over the past six months, Israel has unequivocally proven that it uses Western and foreign weapons indiscriminately against the Palestinian people. Why does the West continue to supply them?”
He also asked the everyone to pay attention to the UN Secretary General, António Guterres words that: “Palestinians in Gaza — children, women, men – remain stuck in a non-stop nightmare. Communities obliterated. Homes demolished. Entire families and generations wiped out. With hunger and starvation stalking the population. It is monstrous that after so much suffering over so many months, Palestinians in Gaza are marking Ramadan with Israeli bombs still falling, bullets still flying, artillery still pounding, and humanitarian assistance still facing obstacle upon obstacle.”
Shawesh said: “According to the Palestinian Ministry of Health as of Sunday, March 24, approximately 32,200 Palestinians have been killed by the Israeli occupation forces. Among the victims, 72% were women (around 8,800) and children (approximately 13,750). Additionally, around 74,500 Palestinians have been injured, with a majority being women and children. It is estimated that more than 8,100 people are missing under the rubble.
Gaza: US Failed Resolution at UN was Biased- Envoy
International
Venezuela Solidarity Group Urges U.S. to Lift Sanctions After Deadly Earthquakes
Venezuela Solidarity Group Urges U.S. to Lift Sanctions After Deadly Earthquakes
By: Michael Mike
The Venezuela Solidarity Campaign in Nigeria (VSCN) has called for the immediate and unconditional lifting of United States sanctions on Venezuela, arguing that the restrictions are hampering humanitarian relief and reconstruction efforts following devastating twin earthquakes that reportedly killed more than 2,000 people and displaced over 50,000 others.
In a statement issued on Sunday and signed by its coordinator, Comrade Dimeji Macaulay, the group expressed solidarity with the Venezuelan people and the Bolivarian Government, describing the earthquakes as a humanitarian tragedy that has left widespread destruction of homes, hospitals, schools, roads and other critical infrastructure.
The organisation extended condolences to families of the victims and praised what it described as the resilience of the Venezuelan people in confronting the disaster despite years of economic hardship.
According to the VSCN, the U.S. sanctions have weakened Venezuela’s capacity to respond effectively to the emergency by limiting access to financial resources and restricting the importation of medicines, equipment, technology and other essential materials.
The group maintained that maintaining the sanctions during a humanitarian crisis amounts to collective punishment against ordinary citizens and called for their permanent removal to facilitate relief operations and long-term reconstruction.
“There can be no moral or legal justification for maintaining an economic blockade against a country struggling to save lives and rebuild after a devastating natural disaster,” the statement said, adding that every day the sanctions remain in force prolongs the suffering of the Venezuelan people.
The campaign also urged the Federal Government of Nigeria to publicly support the removal of the sanctions, strengthen diplomatic relations with Venezuela and contribute to international humanitarian efforts for victims of the disaster.
It further appealed to the African Union to reject unilateral coercive measures, describing them as violations of international law, while calling on African countries to support Venezuela’s recovery.
The group equally called on the United Nations to intensify humanitarian assistance and ensure that sanctions do not obstruct emergency relief operations or reconstruction programmes.
Beyond governments and international organisations, the VSCN appealed to trade unions, youth organisations, civil society groups and progressive political movements across Africa and the wider international community to demonstrate solidarity with Venezuela by opposing what it described as economic warfare and supporting the country’s right to determine its future without external interference.
Reaffirming its commitment to the Venezuelan cause, the organisation said it would continue campaigning until the sanctions are lifted, insisting that Venezuela’s recovery should not be hindered by external political considerations
Venezuela Solidarity Group Urges U.S. to Lift Sanctions After Deadly Earthquakes
International
Navigating The Deadlock: AU’s Strategic Options for Sudan’s Reinstatement
Navigating The Deadlock: AU’s Strategic Options for Sudan’s Reinstatement
By: Dr Sami Abdelhalim Saeed
Following the military coup in Sudan on October 25th, 2021, led by General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the Commander-in-Chief of the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF), who dissolved the transitional government and declared a state of emergency, the African Union (AU) suspended Sudan’s membership on October 27, 2021.
As of February 2026, the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) has reaffirmed that the suspension remains in effect until a democratic transitional government is restored in the country. The AU faces a critical challenge as it seeks to balance its policy of “Zero Tolerance” against Unconstitutional Changes of Government with the urgent and pressing needs of the continent’s peace and security.
As AU-PSC considers a spectrum of diplomatic strategies, from strict compliance to constitutional frameworks and pragmatic, incremental normalisation with the de facto government, the status of Sudan’s membership is a pivotal test of the AU’s capacity to uphold its core principles amid a profound internal armed conflict and humanitarian crisis.
Given the importance of peace and the maintenance of constitutionalism in Sudan, this article offers alternatives for policymakers at the national and AU levels. It draws on the case of Sudan to inform policy reforms, with a focus on political pragmatism.
Principles vs. Pragmatism Maintaining Sudan’s suspension upholds the AU’s principles but limits its capacity for effective peacebuilding.
This isolation creates a strategic dilemma, as the AU-PSC loses influence on other mediation efforts and lacks sufficient on-the-ground monitoring. Similar challenges have occurred in Mali, where the AU’s focus on constitutionalism has conflicted with broader peace and security goals. By excluding Sudan’s de facto authorities, the AU cannot facilitate inclusive dialogue or coordinate regional security efforts, thereby prioritising constitutional principles over practical mediation.
The worsening humanitarian crisis in Sudan is increasing instability across the already fragile sub-Saharan region. The African Union’s peacebuilding strategy for Sudan remains unclear. Although the AU has engaged diplomatically with the de facto government, these efforts have not eased the ongoing humanitarian emergency.
AU’s Options to Restore Sudan’s Membership
The AU has several distinct options for navigating the restoration of Sudan’s membership while balancing legal mandates with regional stability.
First, the AU’s PSC upholds the principles of the USG, ACDEG, and the Lomé Declaration, applies a step-by-step approach to diplomacy, and limits Sudan’s membership to technical committees. To restore its membership in the AU, Sudan must adhere to the AU’s “Zero Tolerance” policy for Unconstitutional Changes of Government (UCG).
In fact, this is the current situation as the Council applied this option at its February 2026 meeting. The AU demands an immediate and permanent ceasefire between the SAF and RSF, followed by an inclusive, Sudanese-led national dialogue to establish a civilian transitional authority.
This approach rejects legitimising the 2021 military coup and recognises the current government in Port Sudan as a de facto authority, aligning with the United Nations’ stance.
The AU’s PSC strongly condemned the role of the national military in the ongoing human rights violations and confirmed that Sudan’s suspension will remain in place until a democratic transitional authority is restored in the country. Although Sudan’s Prime Minister Kamil Idris proposed a ceasefire monitored by the UN, the AU, and the Arab League, the AU rejected the proposal because it did not include a process to establish a civilian-led government.
Second, the AU might establish formal procedures to legitimise Sudan’s current military leadership. In such an attempt, the organisation might consider a strategy similar to its reinstatement of Egypt’s membership in June 2014, following the 2013 military coup against President Mohamed Mursi.
In Egypt’s case, the suspension was lifted after a transitional roadmap, including a new constitution and scheduled elections, which were deemed sufficient to restore constitutional order. This precedent may help Sudan persuade the AU to restore its membership. However, criticised the AU’s decision regarding Egypt as overly lenient and primarily focused on maintaining stability for a major member state.
The AU may find this approach preferable, as it upholds constitutional standards in Africa while addressing peacebuilding and security. However, the situation in Sudan remains a major security challenge in the Horn of Africa, sub-Saharan Africa and Central Africa.
The African Union’s decision to readmit Egypt in 2014 was widely criticised, with some arguing that it prioritised political interests over democratic development. Additionally, this option to legalise the current military leadership in Sudan faces legal obstacles, including Article 25(4) of ACDEG, which provides that coup perpetrators cannot participate in elections to restore constitutional order.
Third, the AU’s PSC may engage in international peace initiatives for Sudan, including those led by the United States or mandated by the United Nations Security Council, as exemplified by the United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) under United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1769 (2007). In these contexts, AU functions as a regional actor facilitating the implementation of peace processes.
This role may require adjustments to the AU’s legal framework to uphold international peace and security better. The AU may also condition its involvement in political settlements by employing a step-by-step strategy. This approach entails negotiating agreements in which military leaders commit to relinquishing power.
Such a strategy enables concurrent advancement toward both peace and democratic governance.
The AU continues to navigate a complex path between upholding its foundational anti-coup framework and the practical necessity of regional mediation. While the “step-by-step” strategy and informal consultations allow the AU to maintain a degree of diplomatic influence, the ongoing suspension of Sudan reflects a steadfast commitment to the principles of the Lomé Declaration and the ACDEG. Ultimately, the restoration of Sudan’s membership will likely depend on an inclusive transitional framework that addresses both peace and democracy, ensuring a verifiable return to constitutional, civilian-led governance as a prerequisite for full reinstatement.
As a Chatham House report indicates, Sudan under warlords is not only a humanitarian catastrophe and a high risk to the Horn of Africa and the Sub-Saharan region, but also a defining test for the AU and its obligation to uphold the principles of constitutional order and civilian protection. As violence escalates across the country, failure to act decisively risks furthering Sudan’s fragmentation. It would also be a damning indictment of the AU’s capacity to respond when African lives are in peril.
In conclusion, the AU stands at a critical juncture where the cost of inaction may soon outweigh the price of political settlement. The internal armed conflict in Sudan is no longer merely a civil war and a competition for power, but a fundamental challenge to the AU’s institutional identity and its “African solutions to African problems” notion. To break the current deadlock, the AU must move beyond the binary of strict suspension or unconditional recognition.
By adopting a pragmatic roadmap that treats humanitarian access and security coordination as an immediate priority while holding civilian-led governance as the non-negotiable finish line, the AU can reclaim its role as a decisive mediator. Sudan’s path back to the AU will be found only through an innovative approach and a reinvigorated policy that proves the continent’s leading organisation can maintain its constitutional principles while protecting the lives of Africans.
Dr Sami Abdelhalim Saeed is an African constitutional expert and rule-of-law scholar with over 15 years of experience advising United Nations missions on peacebuilding and legal reforms in post-conflict environments.
Navigating The Deadlock: AU’s Strategic Options for Sudan’s Reinstatement
International
Cuba Condemns U.S. Accusation Against Raúl Castro, Defends 1996 Airspace Action
Cuba Condemns U.S. Accusation Against Raúl Castro, Defends 1996 Airspace Action
By: Michael Mike
The government of Cuba has strongly condemned what it described as a “despicable accusation” by the United States Department of Justice against former Cuban leader Raúl Castro, escalating tensions between Havana and Washington over a decades-old incident involving the downing of two civilian aircraft.
In a statement issued Wednesday by the Cuban Revolutionary Government in Havana, authorities rejected the reported U.S. legal action announced on May 20, saying Washington lacked both “legitimacy and jurisdiction” to accuse Castro over the February 1996 incident involving aircraft operated by the Miami-based anti-Castro group Brothers to the Rescue.
The Cuban government argued that the aircraft had repeatedly violated Cuban airspace in the years leading up to the incident and maintained that the response by Cuban forces constituted an act of “legitimate self-defense” under international law.
The controversy centers on the 1996 shootdown of two Brothers to the Rescue planes by Cuban fighter jets, an incident that killed four people and triggered international condemnation at the time. The aircraft were reportedly engaged in missions linked to Cuban exile activism and humanitarian operations.
In its latest statement, Havana said the United States ignored repeated warnings and formal complaints made by Cuba between 1994 and 1996 to U.S. authorities, including the State Department, the Federal Aviation Administration and the International Civil Aviation Organization, over alleged incursions into Cuban airspace.
Cuba accused Washington of distorting the historical record and overlooking what it described as more than 25 deliberate violations of Cuban airspace by the organization during that period.
The statement further claimed that U.S. authorities failed to act despite warnings from Cuba about the potential consequences of continued flights near or over Cuban territory.
Havana also criticized what it called the “double standards” of the United States on issues of sovereignty and national security, arguing that Washington itself would not tolerate unauthorized foreign aircraft entering its airspace under hostile circumstances.
The Cuban government additionally linked the accusation against Castro to broader U.S. sanctions and longstanding hostility toward the communist-led island, describing American measures against Cuba as “collective punishment” and an “energy blockade.”
Relations between the United States and Cuba have remained strained for decades, shaped by political tensions dating back to the 1959 Cuban Revolution led by Fidel Castro. Although there have been intermittent efforts at diplomatic rapprochement, disputes over human rights, sanctions, migration and security issues continue to complicate bilateral ties.
The United States authorities had not immediately issued a detailed public response to Cuba’s latest statement as of Wednesday evening.
Cuba concluded its statement by reaffirming support for Raúl Castro and reiterating its commitment to defending the country’s sovereignty and socialist system.
Cuba Condemns U.S. Accusation Against Raúl Castro, Defends 1996 Airspace Action
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