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NNPCL-Dangote Refineries rift: HOMEF Demands Transparency, Investigation of Claims on Import of Toxic Fuels

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NNPCL-Dangote Refineries rift: HOMEF Demands Transparency, Investigation of Claims on Import of Toxic Fuels

By: Michael Mike

Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF) has demanded transparency and an investigation into allegations of importing and foisting ‘dirty’ fuels on Nigerians.

HOMEF, in a statement on Wednesday, advocated this in reaction to the feud between the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Limited (NNPCL) and Dangote Refineries, noting that the NNPCL’s inability to refine petroleum products has been an enormous shame and embarrassment to the nation.

The statement said over the decades, NNPCL’s poor performance has forced Nigeria into the vice grip of forces of exploitation of colonial proportions, making her the largest exporter of crude oil and, at the same time, the largest importer of refined products of dubious quality.

Executive Director, HOMEF, Nnimmo Bassey, in the statement, noted that the company has epitomised one of the worst that can be imagined of any raw material exporter post- colonial state anywhere in the world.

He explained that while HOMEF acknowledges the high ecological costs of the entire petroleum industry value chain, it regrets that the failure of the comatose NNPC refineries is a critical factor that has allowed toxic bush refineries to proliferate to fill the yawning gaps.

Bassey said: “The importation of refined petroleum products has equally foisted heavy economic pressures on the hapless citizens of Nigeria. The arrival of the Dangote Refinery has its own huge ecological baggage, especially regarding the plight of neighboring communities and the general environment. Besides, there are bigger issues related to the creation and operation of what has come to be known as economic zones of exemption.

“HOMEF is alarmed by the cloudy controversies around the Dangote Refinery. The role of the NNPC in the unfolding disputes highlights the opacity of the sector and the inbuilt boobytraps in the regulatory frameworks under which the sector operates. Nigeria entered the oil refining business shortly after independence, with the first refinery built in Port Harcourt to meet domestic needs and curb overreliance on importation.

“The Nigerian government acquired the refinery by successive increase of shareholding starting at 50% in 1965 and increased to 60% in 1972 and taking up sole ownership by 1978. The name also had a systematic shift from the Nigeria Petroleum Refining Company to NNPC Refinery, Port Harcourt.”

Bassey recalled that three other refineries were set up in response to the growing demand for refined products. They are Warri Refining and Petrochemical Company, with 125,000 barrels per day (bpd) capacity and commissioned in 1978; Kaduna Refining and Petrochemical Company, with 110,000 bpd capacity, commissioned in 1980; and the New Port Harcourt Refinery with 150,000 bpd capacity commissioned in 1989. The total installed capacity of all four refineries was 445,000 bpd.

He said: “By the early 1990s, the military government at the time ordered the NNPC to close all its accounts and transfer them to the Central Bank of Nigeria. This arguably marked the beginning of the downward spiral in the performance of the refineries that once served the local petroleum needs and the contributory feedstock needs of other dependent industries.

“Successive “democratic” governments continued to fan the embers of this unproductive but self-serving arrangement, solidifying it with Bills that followed and passed by cronies hooded in different cloaks. The sad realities in the sector include poor governance, poor or non-existent turn around maintenance for the refineries, industrial-scale oil theft, and even the appointments to offices for political control as seen in having serving presidents appointing themselves as Ministers of Petroleum.”

Bassey noted that the conundrum of dependency on exporting raw crude oil and importing refined products, along with corrupt subsidy regimes, remains intractable to date.

According to the environmentalist, the Dangote Refinery’s 650,000 bpd capacity could boost Nigeria’s refining capacity and meet its domestic petroleum needs. He said that the news that Nigeria, through the NNPC Ltd, would have a 20% share in the refinery raised questions, including why the corporation could not focus on making its own refineries work.

He said: “Now we hear that the 20% investment stymied at 7.2% due to the inability of the supposedly profit-making company to meet its financial obligations on schedule. Before the recent closed-door meetings between the Ministry of Petroleum Resources and the Dangote Refineries, there were insinuations and counter-insinuations suggesting an in-fighting. We hear of disputes over the quality of refined products and issues of whether full approvals have been obtained by the private refinery for it to even commence operations.”

Bassey quoted the Nigerian Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission (NUPRC) as saying: “The refiners failed in operational approaches because there are operational standards for crude oil supply. These standards go along with international best practices. The local refiners will not put payment instruments in place as expected. They were not also revising delayed vessels at the right time. They will not fix the vessel to pick up the crude at the right time, or they will bring the wrong vessel specifications. These are operational inefficiencies on the part of the local refiners.”

Reacting to the situation, Bassey said: “It is time for the NNPC to come clear on the questions over the quality of products imported petroleum products as well as those coming out of the Dangote Refinery. Nigerians also deserve to know what volume of shares it holds in the refinery.
“The public deserves clarity about what is also going on with regard to subsidies on imported petroleum products since the purported elimination of subsidies provided one of the planks aiding the economic strangulation of the Nigerian peoples.”

Bassey also demanded a participatory social and environmental audit of all the country’s refineries and put in place environmental management plans to ensure the safety of fence-line communities in Lekki, Port Harcourt, Warri, and Kaduna.

Also, HOMEF’s Fossil Politics Programme Manager Stephen Oduware said: “If anything is clear, it is that there are huge transparency questions over the sectoral regulatory frameworks and that the artificially created complexities orchestrated by the NNPCL have heaped an avoidable burden on the masses.”

HOMEF called on the federal government to ensure the operations of all its refineries and equally activate an audit of the unfolding crisis.

“The government should also ensure a depoliticization of the petroleum sector. Another important step will be to ensure that the president of Nigeria does not double as the head of the Petroleum Resources Ministry.”

NNPCL-Dangote Refineries rift: HOMEF Demands Transparency, Investigation of Claims on Import of Toxic Fuels

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Zulum @57: Tribute to a Trailblazing Teacher

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Zulum @57: Tribute to a Trailblazing Teacher

By: Inuwa Bwala

I have read a lot of tributes to Borno state Governor, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum on his 57th birthday anniversary.
In most, Nigerians celebrate many things about Professor Babagana Umara Zulum.

To many, his unique leadership style, to others, his developmental strides and yet to others his many ventures into danger zones, the rebuilding of schools, his sleepless nights on duty and many other things.
I want to celebrate something quieter, and maybe more rare: seeing him as the teacher that he is, using

Borno as a big lecture hall, in which he deploys his teaching technique.
I dare say that, Governor Zulum goes to schools unannounced, not for photo shots, but to check attendance, to ask pupils questions, to see if the teacher is teaching. That is a lecturer’s habit.
He commissions hospitals and ask about drug inventory and rosters. That is a supervisor’s habit.

He stands in the rain with displaced families, not to make a speech, but to take notes. That is a researcher’s habit.
Most politicians campaign on promises, but he he is not seeking any position and does not need to campaign. He does things out of passion for true development.

At 57, Zulum reminds me that leadership is not about sitting in the office of power. It’s about sitting on the floor with students, under a tree with farmers, and in the dust with people who have lost everything, and then going back to “prepare the next lesson plan” for Borno redemption.

People often say a leader must choose between the office and the field, the book and the gun, and between the seminar and the street. Governor Zulum seems to have broken that rule by chosing both. And ir is working for Borno.

For me, today, I do not just celebrate a governor turning 57, I celebrate a teacher who took his entire state as his assignment, and refused to submit it half-done.

As the only Governor in Nigeria, who foes not aspire for any other political office after this, he may be retiring into a future only God know about, but one must not fail to state, that, Governor Zulum’s strength lies, not in the paraphenilia of governance but in the dedication of a leader who work, teach to graduate Borno into peace, dignity, and pride.

Happy 57th Birthday, Proffessor Babagana Umara Zulum.

Zulum @57: Tribute to a Trailblazing Teacher

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Opportunity or Entrapment? What Nigeria’s Youth Must Ask Before Flying to Russia

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Opportunity or Entrapment? What Nigeria’s Youth Must Ask Before Flying to Russia

By Oumarou Sanou

There is nothing wrong with urging Nigerian youth to look past Britain, America and Canada, or with Russia offering scholarships to African students. Young Nigerians deserve every legitimate route to education the world can offer. But there is everything wrong with dismissing documented security concerns as “propaganda” simply because the offer arrives wrapped in the language of mentorship.

A recent online discussion by the Arewa Youth Mentorship Program did exactly that, urging Northern Nigerian youth toward Russia while waving away fears about the Ukraine war as fear-mongering. The pitch was seductive: no IELTS, no international passport at first instance, no punishing recommendation letters, just a strong “portfolio” and the confidence to apply. It is a comforting story. On the evidence, it is also a dangerous one, and the danger lies not in Russia offering scholarships but in telling young people they need not verify them.

We need a reminder about the scholarship that became a factory floor. Nigerians and Africans have not forgotten Alabuga. Online adverts promising paid education and vocational training at the Alabuga Special Economic Zone lured young Africans, many of them women, into facilities later tied to the assembly of Shahed attack drones used against Ukraine, a scheme slick enough to compromise the website of Nigeria’s own Ministry of Education. The lesson is not that Russian opportunities should be avoided outright, but that the label “opportunity” is not evidence of safety. A polished portal is not verification. It is, at best, unproven, and at worst, bait.

More importantly, the numbers are no longer a rumour. An INPACT investigation, cited in Global Sentinel reporting, found that at least 1,417 Africans, Nigerians, Ghanaians, Kenyans, Ugandans and South Africans among them, joined Russian military formations between 2023 and 2025, with no fewer than 316 killed in Ukraine. Ukrainian intelligence separately counts over 200 Nigerians who signed contracts with Russia’s defence ministry, dozens already dead or missing. These figures deserve scrutiny, but they are too serious to dismiss, particularly against Moscow’s denials, including a Russian diplomat’s assurance in Accra that African students were “safe,” and the Nigerian ambassador’s own insistence in Abuja that no such recruitment exists. Casualties do not lie the way denials do.

This is how the trick works, and the pattern, documented across multiple investigations, is depressingly consistent. A job or study offer arrives via WhatsApp, Telegram, or Facebook, not from an embassy or accredited institution. Travel is arranged quickly, often through a third country, to dodge scrutiny. On arrival, passports are collected “for processing” and never returned. Within days the promised job evaporates, and the recruit faces a choice: sign a military contract in a language he cannot read, face deportation with debt, or worse. Nigerian mechanic Bankole Manchi told Global Sentinel he travelled to Russia expecting employment and, instead, found himself in a military-style camp, later deployed to the front. This is not misfortune. It is a supply chain, built on young Africans not asking questions first.

Investigators have also flagged the so-called Russian Houses, cultural centres that legitimately teach language and offer scholarships but, unlike the British Council or the Goethe-Institut, operate through an opaque franchise model that lets private, sometimes militarily linked, actors act in Moscow’s name. At the same time, the state keeps its hands clean. In Ghana, university partnerships have been linked to the enlistment of hundreds, dozens now dead. This does not mean every Russian cultural centre is a recruitment centre. It means governments should demand transparency wherever public trust and vulnerable youth are involved.

The key issue here when dealing with Russia and other emerging powers from a pan-African perspective is sovereignty, not substitution. There is a wider context Nigerians cannot ignore. Russia has marketed itself across the Sahel as the anti-imperial alternative to a West weighed down by colonial guilt and failed interventions, and the message has won real disciples. But a power that fills its trenches with African bodies while denying it does so is practising the oldest imperialism of all. Anti-Western is not the same as pro-African.

Nor should young Nigerians accept a false choice between “Western propaganda” and “Russian truth.” Every external power,-Russia, China, France, Britain, the United States- pursues its own interests in Africa and can deploy disinformation when it suits them. The question worth asking of any offer, wherever it originates, is simple: what is the strategic interest behind this opportunity, and who benefits if I do not check? Asking that of Moscow is not anti-Russian. It is pro-African and pro-sovereignty, andNigeria’s youth are entitled to exercise it. Strategic autonomy means diversifying partnerships from a position of informed national interest, not swapping one uncritical dependency for another.

Going forward, the approach should be to verify first, and trust second. Therefore, the Arewa panellists are right that Nigerian youth should be intentional and strategic. But intentionality means verification, not enthusiasm. Check the university and its accreditation against the Federal Ministry of Education, the Federal Scholarship Board and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Confirm the offer with the institution and the embassy before booking a flight, not after. Establish who is paying for travel and tuition, and read every document before signing. No genuine opportunity requires surrendering a passport indefinitely, concealing the purpose of travel, or signing contracts you cannot understand. A recruiter who pushes for haste or discourages official checks has already told you what you need to know.

This obligation extends to those doing the recommending. Academics, mentors, religious and traditional leaders and youth organisations carry real influence, and their endorsement can confer legitimacy an applicant would never independently investigate. That influence demands a duty to vet before endorsing.

Against this backdrop, what the government owes its citizens is protection through a verifiable database on foreign scholarships. Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has issued warnings before. One young man from Ondo State signed his contract with Russia’s military barely a week after such a warning was published, and died near Kharkiv weeks later. He may never have seen it. The state cannot keep issuing statements into the void. It needs a living, public database of verified foreign scholarships, rapid alerts when a scheme is flagged, and closer scrutiny of recruitment channels operating through cultural and educational fronts.

There is no contradiction between encouraging Nigerian youth to pursue Russian education and warning them about fraudulent recruitment. Nigeria should encourage its youth to explore the world, not fear it, but exploration without verification can quietly become exploitation. Africa’s youth must not become cannon fodder in other people’s wars or raw material for competing geopolitical projects, under whichever flag those projects fly. The real test of mentorship is not how many young people are persuaded to travel abroad, but how many can tell opportunity from entrapment, and partnership from dependency.

Explore widely. Dream boldly. But verify everything. When the price of an opportunity is your judgement, it was never an opportunity at all.

Oumarou Sanou is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and African leadership dynamics. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com

Opportunity or Entrapment? What Nigeria’s Youth Must Ask Before Flying to Russia

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Guinea-Bissau picks Gabú, Oio for ECOWAS community health pilot

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Guinea-Bissau picks Gabú, Oio for ECOWAS community health pilot

By: Michael Mike

Guinea-Bissau has selected the Gabú and Oio regions as pilot areas for the implementation of the new ECOWAS Regional Community Health Policy, in a major step towards bringing healthcare services closer to vulnerable and underserved communities.

The decision was reached at a three-day National Engagement Workshop on the implementation of the policy, organised by the West African Health Organisation (WAHO) in collaboration with the Ministry of Public Health of Guinea-Bissau in Bissau from August 19 to 21, 2026.

The selection of the two regions signals the transition of the Regional Community Health Policy (RCHP) from the planning stage to concrete implementation, with national and local authorities, communities and other stakeholders expected to play defined roles in its execution.

Speaking at the opening of the workshop, WAHO Director-General, Dr Melchior Athanase Joël C. Aïssi, described Guinea-Bissau as a pioneer among ECOWAS Member States for hosting the first information and engagement mission on implementation of the new policy.

He said the meeting should not be regarded merely as a forum for discussion but as the starting point for translating the regional policy into action.

Aïssi stressed that successful implementation would depend on national ownership, effective multisectoral coordination and a clear division of responsibilities among stakeholders.

He reaffirmed WAHO’s readiness to provide technical support, guidance and facilitation, but emphasised that Guinea-Bissau must take ownership and lead the implementation process.

The Minister of Public Health, Commodore Dr Quinhin Nantote, in his keynote address, reaffirmed the government’s commitment to the policy, describing investment in community health as both a necessity and a national priority.

Nantote said expanding access to healthcare required deliberate efforts to reach vulnerable populations, particularly those living in remote and hard-to-reach communities.

He also highlighted the critical role of Community Health Workers (CHWs), describing them as an essential link between formal health services and communities.

The minister called for an approach anchored on equity, community participation and intersectoral collaboration, arguing that sustainable improvements in health could not be achieved by government and health professionals alone.

The workshop brought together representatives of government ministries and agencies, national institutions, civil society and community-based organisations, research and training institutions, as well as technical and financial partners.

Participants reviewed key regional and national community health instruments, including the Regional Community Health Policy, its norms and principles, regional guidance documents and practical tools for Community Health Workers.

They also identified priority interventions, assigned responsibilities to sectoral stakeholders and worked towards developing costed action plans for priority areas.

Discussions further focused on the proposed regional community information system platform, the national coordination mechanism and other steps required to establish an effective framework for implementing the policy.

WAHO Liaison Officer in Guinea-Bissau, Dr Plácido Cardoso, underscored the importance of sustained engagement among national stakeholders and development partners in ensuring the success of the implementation process.

With Gabú and Oio now designated as pilot regions, Guinea-Bissau is expected to test and strengthen the policy’s implementation mechanisms at the community level before lessons from the pilot phase inform wider application.

WAHO said the initiative underscores its commitment to supporting Guinea-Bissau and other ECOWAS Member States to strengthen community health systems and ensure that quality healthcare is brought closer to the people.

Guinea-Bissau picks Gabú, Oio for ECOWAS community health pilot

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