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Russia and Africa: Joining Efforts for Peace, Progress and a Successful Future

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Russia and Africa: Joining Efforts for Peace, Progress and a Successful Future

By: Vladimir Putin

On July 27-28 , St Petersburg will host the second Russia-Africa Summit and
Russia-Africa Economic and Humanitarian Forum.

On the eve of these large-scale representative events which will bring together heads of state and government, entrepreneurs, academia and public figures, I would like to share my vision of the development of Russia-Africa relations with the readers of the leading media on the African continent, outlining priority cooperation areas for the coming decades of the 21st century.The partnership relations between our country and Africa have strong, deep roots and have always been distinguished by stability, trust and goodwill. We have consistently supported African peoples in their struggle for liberation from colonial oppression. We have provided assistance in developing statehood, strengthening their sovereignty and defence capability. Much has been done to create sustainable foundations for national economies.

By the mid-1980s, with the participation of our specialists, over 330 large infrastructure and industrial facilities have been built in Africa, such as power plants, irrigation systems, industrial and agricultural enterprises, which are successfully operating to this day, and continue to make a significant contribution to the continent’s economic development. Tens of thousands of African doctors, technical specialists, engineers, officers and teachers have received education in Russia.I would like to specifically mention the traditionally close cooperation on the world stage, the firm and consistent advocacy rendered by the USSR and then Russia to African countries at international fora. We have always strictly adhered to the “African solutions to African problems” principle, standing in solidarity with Africans in their struggle for self-determination, justice and their legitimate rights. We have never tried to impose on partners our own ideas about the internal structure, forms and methods of management, development goals and ways to achieve them. Unchanged remains our respect for the sovereignty of African states, their traditions and values, their desire to independently determine their own destiny and freely build relationships with partners.We highly value the honestly-gained capital of friendship and cooperation, traditions of trust and mutual support that Russia and African countries share. We are brought together by a common desire to shape a system of relations based on the priority of international law, respect for national interests, indivisibility of security, and recognition of the central coordinating role of the United Nations.

Today, the constructive, trustful, forward-looking partnership between Russia and Africa is especially significant and important. Major centres of economic and political power and influence are emerging in the world, which are asserting themselves more and more insistently, demanding that they be reckoned with. We are sure that a new multipolar world order, the contours of which are already seen, will be more just and democratic. And there is no doubt that Africa, along with Asia, the Middle East and Latin America, will take its worthy place in it and finally free itself from the bitter legacy of colonialism and neo-colonialism, rejecting its modern practices.

Russia welcomes the rising international authority of individual states as well as Africa as a whole, their desire to make their voices strongly heard and to take the continent’s problems into their own hands. We have always supported the constructive initiatives of our partners. We stand for granting African countries their rightful place in the structures that determine the world’s fate, including the UN Security Council and the G20, as well as for reforming the global financial and trade institutions in a way that meets their interests.Regrettably, we see that the situation in the world today is far from stable.

The long-standing conflicts that exist in nearly every region are deepening, and new threats and challenges are emerging. And Africa feels the burden of global challenges like no other part of the world. In such a challenging environment, we look forward to working with our African partners to shape a non-discriminatory agenda for cooperation. The strategic areas of our interaction are set by the decisions of the first Russia-Africa Summit held in Sochi in late October 2019.

The Russia-Africa Partnership Forum was established for their effective implementation. We have set up bilateral intergovernmental commissions for trade, economic, scientific and technological cooperation with many countries of the continent, and the network of Russian embassies and trade missions in Africa will be expanded. Further instruments are being actively developed to better structure economic relations and make them more dynamic. I would like to note with satisfaction that Russia’s trade turnover with the African countries increased in 2022 and reached almost 18 billion US dollars.

However, we are all well aware that the potential of our trade and economic partnership is much higher. Russian companies are interested in working more actively on the continent in the sphere of high technologies and geological exploration, in the fuel and energy complex, including nuclear power, in the chemical industry, mining and transport engineering, agriculture and fishery. The changes taking place in the world require the search for solutions related to the establishment of new transport and logistical chains, the formation of a monetary and financial system, and mechanisms of mutual settlements that are safe and free from unfavourable external impacts.

We understand the importance of uninterrupted food supplies for the socio-economic development and political stability of the African states. On this basis, we have always paid great attention to issues related to the supply of wheat, barley, maize and other crops to African countries. We have done so both on a contractual basis and free of charge as humanitarian aid, including through the United Nations Food Programme.

Thus, in 2022, Russia exported 11.5 million tonnes of grain to Africa, and almost 10 million tonnes more were delivered in the first half of 2023 – despite the sanctions imposed on our exports, which severely hamper the supply of Russian food products to developing countries, complicating transport logistics, insurance arrangements and bank payments.

Many have probably heard of the so-called “grain deal,” whose initial purpose was to ensure global food security, reduce the threat of hunger and help the poorest countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America – the reason why Russia undertook the obligation to facilitate its implementation in the first place. This “deal,” however, while it was publicly advertised by the West as a gesture of goodwill that benefited Africa, has in fact been shamelessly used solely for the enrichment of large US and European businesses that exported and resold grain from Ukraine.

Judge for yourselves: in almost a year, a total of 32.8 million tonnes of supplies were exported from Ukraine under the “deal,” with over 70 percent of the exports ending up in high- and upper-middle-income countries, including in the European Union, whereas such countries as Ethiopia, Sudan and Somalia, as well as Yemen and Afghanistan, received less than 3 percent of the supplies, i.e. less than one million tonnes.In the meantime, none of the “deal” provisions relating to the exemption from sanctions of Russian grain and fertiliser exports to world markets, were fulfilled. Moreover, barriers have been mounted even to our attempts to supply free of charge mineral fertilisers to the poorest countries in need. Of 262,000 tonnes of goods blocked in European ports, only two shipments were delivered – one of 20,000 tonnes to Malawi and one of 34,000 tonnes to Kenya. The rest is still unscrupulously held by the Europeans. And this is a purely humanitarian initiative we are talking about, which should be exempt from any sanctions as such. Considering all these facts, there is no longer any use in continuing the “grain deal” as it has failed to serve its original humanitarian purpose.

We argued against further extending the “deal,” which terminated as of July 18.I want to give assurances that our country is capable of replacing the Ukrainian grain both on a commercial and free-of-charge basis, especially as we expect another record harvest this year.Notwithstanding the sanctions, Russia will continue its energetic efforts to provide supplies of grain, food products, fertilisers and other goods to Africa. We highly value and will further develop the full spectrum of economic ties with Africa – with individual states as well as regional integration associations and, naturally, with the African Union.

We welcome this organisation’s strategic course towards further economic integration and the formation of the African Continental Free Trade Area. We are ready to build pragmatic, mutually beneficial relations, including within the framework of the Eurasian Economic Union. We are also willing to step up cooperation with other regional integration organisations on the continent.In keeping with the existing tradition, we intend to continue providing assistance to African states in building their national human resource capacity. There are currently about 35 thousand students from the continent in Russia, more than 6,000 of them receive Russian government scholarships.

Each year we increase the number of scholarships, promote paid higher education options and facilitate inter-university ties, which have gained significant momentum in recent times. Bringing humanitarian, cultural, sports and mass media cooperation to a whole new level would serve our common interests. I would like to seize this opportunity to invite our young African friends to the World Youth Festival, which will take place in Sochi, Russia, in March 2024. This large-scale international forum will bring together more than 20,000 participants from more than 180 countries for an informal, friendly and open dialogue that is free from ideological and political barriers, racial and religious prejudice and would consolidate the young generation around the ideals of lasting and durable peace, prosperity and creative spirit.

In conclusion, I would like to reiterate that we attach great importance to the upcoming second Russia–Africa Summit. We expect that the Summit would adopt a comprehensive Declaration, a number of joint statements and approve the Russia – Africa Partnership Forum Action Plan to 2026. We are working to prepare an impressive package of intergovernmental and interagency agreements and memoranda with individual states as well as regional associations of the continent.I am looking forward to welcoming the African leaders in St. Petersburg and stand committed to a fruitful constructive dialogue. I firmly believe that the decisions adopted at the Summit and Forum, coupled with continuous diversified joint work will contribute to further development of RussianAfrican strategic partnership for the benefit of our countries and peoples.

***Vladimir Putin,
President of the Russian Federation

Russia and Africa: Joining Efforts for Peace, Progress and a Successful Future

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Interrogating the Russian Model in Africa

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Interrogating the Russian Model in Africa

By Oumarou Sanou

In recent years, Russian influence in Africa has expanded at a striking pace and with strategic precision. From Bamako to Bangui, Niamey to Ouagadougou, Moscow has presented itself as a dependable alternative partner; one that claims no colonial guilt, imposes no lectures on governance, and attaches no democratic conditionalities to cooperation. In a region fatigued by insecurity and disillusioned with Western engagement, that message has resonated.

But beyond the rhetoric of “Saint Russia” and the carefully cultivated image of a geopolitical “Saviour of Africa” -a narrative amplified across social media-a more fundamental question demands attention: what exactly is the Russian model offering Africa, and does it truly align with the continent’s long-term aspirations for democratic governance, economic transformation, and social stability?

Africa’s post-independence experience has been shaped by recurring governance challenges: corruption, authoritarian leadership, fragile institutions, and predatory elites. These weaknesses have stunted the growth of an empowered middle class, undermined entrepreneurship, and limited inclusive development. After decades of experimentation, the lesson is clear: sustainable progress rests on accountable leadership, institutional strength, rule of law, and political alternation.

If governance reform remains Africa’s unfinished project, then the value of any external partnership must be measured against whether it strengthens or weakens that trajectory.

The issue is not Russia as a nation. Every sovereign state has the right to pursue its interests abroad. The concern lies with the regime’s political structure, which is implicitly promoted as a model. Contemporary Russia is characterised by prolonged executive dominance, limited political alternation, and significant concentration of economic power among a narrow elite. President Vladimir Putin has led the country for a quarter of a century. Opposition space is restricted. Independent media operates under heavy constraints. Wealth is concentrated, and outside a few urban centres such as Moscow and St. Petersburg, economic dynamism remains limited.

This is not an emotional or ideological critique; it is a structural observation. A governance system marked by entrenched oligarchic influence and constrained civic space is unlikely to export a blueprint that empowers pluralism, fosters institutional independence, or nurtures a broad-based middle class, precisely the ingredients Africa needs.

In the Sahel, Russia’s expanding footprint has coincided not with democratic revival, but with the consolidation of junta-led regimes. Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, now bound together in the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), have sharply pivoted toward Moscow. Yet these countries rank among those with the highest terrorism-related casualties globally. Despite bold promises, insecurity persists and, in some cases, has worsened. Instability increasingly spills beyond their borders, affecting coastal West African states, including Nigeria.

The central question, therefore, is not whether Russia should engage Africa; it can and should, like any global actor. The real question is whether the nature of that engagement strengthens institutions or merely reinforces regime survival.

Partnerships anchored primarily in security cooperation without parallel institutional reform risk deepening political stagnation. Leaders become insulated from domestic accountability. Civic freedoms shrink. Economic diversification slows. Investors hesitate. Youth populations, already restless, lose faith in systems that offer neither alternation nor upward mobility.

Nigeria offers an instructive contrast. Its democracy is imperfect and often turbulent. Corruption remains a challenge. Electoral processes are contested. Yet Nigeria has witnessed peaceful transfers of power between parties. Civil society is active. The press is vibrant and frequently critical. Courts retain the authority, however unevenly exercised, to check executive excess.

These achievements should not be dismissed. They represent the fragile but essential infrastructure of democratic governance.

It is, therefore, troubling when foreign missions publicly attack Nigerian and African journalists for critical reporting, which is a model Moscow is championing in the AES and seeks to extend to other African countries. A model that seems to suppress critical voices and press freedom. Is that what Africa needs? Media scrutiny is not hostility; it is a cornerstone of democratic accountability.
Reciprocity is the foundation of diplomatic respect. One must ask: would any major power accept a foreign embassy publicly disparaging its journalists on its own soil? The answer is an absolute no, but this is what Russia has done and continues to do across Africa. Nigeria’s democratic gains must not be undermined by external pressure.

Against this backdrop, Africa should resist emotional alignment with any global power, whether East or West. The continent’s future cannot be reduced to proxy rivalries or anti-Western symbolism. Strategic autonomy must be grounded in institutional resilience, not in the romanticisation of external patrons.

If Russia seeks genuine partnership, it must demonstrate respect for sovereignty not only in rhetoric but in substance; by investing in long-term economic value chains rather than narrow extractive concessions; by encouraging transparent governance rather than opaque security arrangements; by engaging societies, not merely regimes.

Africa’s demographic reality makes the stakes even higher. The continent’s youth bulge demands inclusive growth, entrepreneurial opportunity, and institutional trust. Development flourishes where citizens can speak freely, build businesses, and hold leaders accountable. Political systems defined by prolonged executive dominance and limited alternation do not historically generate diversified, innovation-driven economies.

Nigeria stands at a crossroads. It can retreat into political immobility or deepen its democratic experiment. The latter path is imperfect and demanding, but it is the only one capable of building durable institutions. Consider the example of former French President Nicolas Sarkozy, who faced conviction and imprisonment for legal violations. Regardless of one’s assessment of France’s foreign policy, the principle demonstrated was clear: no leader is above the law. Institutional accountability, not personality rule, is the foundation of governance maturity.

Africa’s future will not be secured by replacing one dependency with another, nor by elevating any foreign power to messianic status. True Pan-Africanism is not the echoing of external talking points; it is the deliberate construction of institutions that serve African citizens.

Russia itself is not inherently a threat. But the uncritical adoption of its current governance model, particularly in fragile states with histories of authoritarianism, risks deepening political stagnation and security deterioration.

Nigeria, as Africa’s largest democracy, bears a responsibility, not to antagonise any nation, but to champion democratic resilience across the continent. The real question is not whether Russia can offer Africa a partnership. It is whether Africa is prepared to interrogate the governance model embedded in that partnership.

If Africa’s ambition is prosperity, stability, and dignity for its people, the path forward must begin and end with accountable governance.

Oumarou Sanou is a social critic, Pan-African observer and researcher focusing on governance, security, and political transitions in the Sahel. He writes on geopolitics, regional stability, and African leadership dynamics. Contact: sanououmarou386@gmail.com

Interrogating the Russian Model in Africa

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UK Abolishes Visa Stickers for Nigerians, Introduces Mandatory eVisas from Feb 25

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UK Abolishes Visa Stickers for Nigerians, Introduces Mandatory eVisas from Feb 25

By: Michael Mike

The United Kingdom will from 25 February 2026 stop issuing physical visa stickers to Nigerian travellers, replacing them entirely with digital eVisas in what officials describe as a major overhaul of the country’s immigration system.

Announcing the change in Abuja, UK Visas and Immigration (UKVI) said all new Visit visas granted to Nigerian nationals will now be issued electronically, marking a decisive step in the UK’s transition to a fully digital border regime.

Under the new system, successful applicants will no longer receive a vignette pasted into their passport. Instead, they will access proof of their immigration status online through a secure UKVI account.

The British government stressed that the application procedure itself remains unchanged. Nigerian applicants must still complete the standard online process, attend a Visa Application Centre to submit biometric data and meet all existing eligibility requirements. The only adjustment is the format in which the visa is delivered.

Authorities clarified that Nigerians currently holding valid visa stickers will not be affected by the new policy. Their visas will remain valid until expiration and do not require replacement solely because of the transition.

British Deputy High Commissioner in Abuja, Gill Lever, said the move is designed to simplify travel while enhancing security.

“We are committed to making it easier for Nigerians to travel to the UK. This shift to digital visas streamlines a key part of the process, strengthens security and reduces reliance on paper documentation,” she said.

According to UKVI, the eVisa system is expected to shorten processing timelines since passports will no longer need to be retained for visa sticker endorsement. Travellers will also be able to view and manage their immigration status online at any time, from anywhere.

Officials highlighted the added security benefits of the digital format, noting that unlike physical stickers, eVisas cannot be lost, stolen or tampered with. The system is also designed to provide real-time verification of immigration status.

Once a visa is approved, applicants will be required to create a free UKVI account to access and share their eVisa details when necessary.

The policy shift signals a broader modernization of the UK’s border management framework and places Nigerian travellers among the first groups to experience the fully digital visa rollout.

For frequent travellers, students and business visitors, the reform represents a significant procedural change—one that replaces paper documentation with an online immigration record as the new standard for entry clearance into the United Kingdom.

UK Abolishes Visa Stickers for Nigerians, Introduces Mandatory eVisas from Feb 25

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Nigerian seeks repatriation after alleged forced recruitment into Russian military

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Nigerian seeks repatriation after alleged forced recruitment into Russian military

By: Zagazola Makama

A Nigerian citizen, Abubakar Adamu, has appealed to the Nigerian government for urgent repatriation after claiming he was lured to Russia under the pretext of civilian employment and coerced into military service.

Adamu’s legal representatives stated that he traveled to Moscow on a tourist visa issued by the Russian Embassy in Abuja, under the promise of employment as a civilian security guard. However, upon arrival, his travel documents were reportedly confiscated, and he was compelled to sign enlistment papers written entirely in Russian, without the assistance of an interpreter. He later discovered that the documents enrolled him into the Russian Armed Forces.

A formal notice submitted to Nigerian authorities cited several legal positions, including the doctrine of Non Est Factum, which argues that Adamu did not understand the nature of the contract he signed, and fundamental misrepresentation, alleging that he was deceived into military service. His lawyers also highlighted potential violations of international law, including forced military conscription and deprivation of personal freedom.

According to the brief, Adamu remains stranded at a Russian military camp, refusing deployment to combat zones in Ukraine. He is reportedly seeking immediate intervention from the Nigerian government to facilitate his safe return and reunite him with his family.

The allegations come amid broader reports of African nationals being conscripted into the Russian military. A CNN investigation reported that Nigerians, along with citizens from Ghana, Kenya, Uganda, South Africa and other countries, were allegedly recruited under promises of high salaries, signing bonuses, and eventual Russian citizenship.

Upon arrival, many were forced into military service, provided minimal training, and in some cases deployed to combat zones against their will. Reports further indicate racial abuse, inhumane treatment, and coercion.Reports indicate that this is part of a growing pattern in which African nationals are being lured to the frontlines to sustain Russia’s war efforts.

Ukraine’s foreign minister, Andrii Sybiha, disclosed last year that more than 1,400 citizens from 36 African countries are reportedly fighting for Russia in Ukraine, with many being held in Ukrainian camps as prisoners of war. Kenya’s Ministry of Foreign and Diaspora Affairs has similarly reported that over 200 of its nationals may be in Ukraine, having been deceived by online recruitment networks advertising fake jobs.

The human cost of the recruitment drive remains largely unknown. It is unclear how many Nigerians have died while fighting for Russian forces, and Russia has not formally responded to reports of Nigerian casualties.

But speaking at a press conference in Abuja, the Russian Ambassador to Nigeria, Andrey Podyelyshev, denied that the recruitment was state-sponsored. “There is no government-backed programme to recruit Nigerians to fight in Ukraine.

“If illegal organisations or individuals are involved in such activities, they are acting outside the law and without any connection to the Russian state,” he said. Podyelyshev added that Russia would investigate any reported cases if provided with concrete evidence.

Zagazola warned that the case draws attention to the serious risks to Nigerian citizens traveling abroad for employment. Their is a need for stronger government oversight, diplomatic intervention, and public awareness to prevent exploitation and ensure the safety of nationals in foreign jurisdictions.

Adamu’s legal team has formally demanded that Russian authorities immediately cease his military deployment, return his confiscated travel documents, and facilitate his repatriation to Nigeria.

The Nigerian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has yet to comment on Adamu’s appeal, leaving families and civil society groups calling for immediate diplomatic action and repatriation of their citizens caught in what is described as a transnational human rights and labor exploitation crisis.

This incident calls for urgent examination about the protection of Nigerian citizens abroad, the oversight of foreign employment schemes, and the responsibilities of international partners to safeguard human rights. Without decisive government intervention, more Nigerians may fall victim to similar coercive recruitment tactics, potentially placing them in life-threatening situations far from home without any help

Nigerian seeks repatriation after alleged forced recruitment into Russian military

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