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Yobe 2027: Consensus, G-Six, and the Crucible of Direct Primaries

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Governor Mai Mala Buni



Yobe 2027: Consensus, G-Six, and the Crucible of Direct Primaries

By: Dr. James Bwala

The political landscape in Yobe State is presently a microcosm of the broader democratic challenges Nigeria faces. As the All Progressives Congress (APC) prepares for its gubernatorial primaries slated for May 23, 2027, tensions and divisions within the party have laid bare the complexities of internal party democracy. Central to this unfolding drama is the interplay between the principle of consensus, the influential G-six faction, and the imminent test of direct primaries. The recent intervention of Vice President Senator Kashim Shettima, which culminated in Alhaji Lawan Kolo Geidam stepping down for the party’s anointed candidate Alhaji Baba Malam Wali, marked a pivotal moment. Yet, beneath this surface reconciliation lies a fraught path that could significantly influence not only the immediate future of Yobe politics but also the democratic ethos of the APC as a whole.

At the heart of the Yobe episode is the practice of consensus candidates, a mechanism often employed by Nigerian political parties to present united fronts during elections. Proponents argue that consensus preempts protracted primary battles, preserves party unity, and channels resources toward winning general elections. In Yobe, Mala Buni’s endorsement of Baba Malam Wali as the consensus candidate was intended to consolidate the APC’s strength and sideline factional rifts. However, the arrival of the G-six, a formidable bloc that includes stalwarts such as Alhaji Lawan Kolo Geidam and is backed by other significant figures like Senator Muhammed Bomai, Hon. Bashir Sheriff Machina, former IGP Usman Alkali Baba, and business mogul Kashim Musa Tumsa, contested this top-down approach. Their resistance underscored a growing restiveness against predetermined candidacies perceived as exclusionary or undemocratic.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-the-dynamics-of-consensus-candidates-and-the-crisis-of-succession-in-nigerias-democratic-party-politics/

This tension spotlights a crucial debate in Nigerian party politics: does consensus undermine or enhance democracy? Critics of consensus argue that it often amounts to imposed candidacies, which stifle intra-party competition and disenfranchise grassroots members who seek genuine participation through voting. This critique holds substantive weight, especially in a polity where internal democracy remains nascent, and many party decisions are heavily influenced by kingmakers or political godfathers rather than transparent processes. On the other hand, given Nigeria’s often fractious and ethnically charged political environment, consensus is sometimes defended as a pragmatic tool for avoiding bitter contests that can fracture party cohesiveness and harm electoral chances.

In Yobe’s context, the G-six’s initial refusal to accept the consensus candidate, culminating in the last-minute withdrawal of Lawan Kolo Geidam after Vice President Shettima’s peace intervention, embodies the high stakes and emotional entanglements involved. The VP’s role in mediating the dispute was critical; his call for peace and collective support symbolized the necessity of compromise in the intricate dance of Nigerian politics. It also affirmed the reality that behind factional disagreements lie broader strategic interests, including the desire to present a united front against opposition parties in the general elections. Nonetheless, this peace is uneasy and fragile, as evidenced by lingering frustrations from supporters of other aspirants like Engr. Mustapha Yunusa Maihaja, IGP Usman Alkali Baba (RTD), Senator Muhammed Bomai, Hon. Machina, and Kashim Musa Tulsa, whose exclusion from the anointed consensus stirs sentiments of betrayal.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-the-dynamics-of-consensus-candidates-and-the-crisis-of-succession-in-nigerias-democratic-party-politics/

The impending direct primaries scheduled for May 23 now stand as a critical litmus test for the APC in Yobe. Unlike consensus, direct primaries offer an avenue for party members at all levels to exercise their franchise openly, potentially reinvigorating democratic norms within the party. If conducted transparently and fairly, the primaries could serve as an opportunity to heal divisions by granting legitimacy to the selected candidate, whether it remains the consensus choice or surfaces from the ranks of contesting aspirants. Moreover, it aligns with democratic ideals where leaders emerge through participatory mechanisms rather than prearranged accords. Such a process could also recalibrate power dynamics within the APC, empowering grassroots actors and ensuring accountability.

However, the primaries could equally exacerbate existing fissures if marred by manipulation or violence, thus deepening mistrust among competing camps. The risk of rancor and post-primary agitations is significant given the emotional investment of various supporter groups. For Governor Mai Mala Buni, whose political capital and future influence in Yobe heavily depend on the outcome and spirit of the primaries, this is a defining moment. Should the process be seen as credible and inclusive, it will enhance his standing as a unifying figure championing democratic values. Conversely, perceptions of imposition or electoral malpractice could erode his legitimacy and weaken his leadership not just within Yobe, but more broadly within the APC’s national framework.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-the-dynamics-of-consensus-candidates-and-the-crisis-of-succession-in-nigerias-democratic-party-politics/

Beyond the immediate political calculus, the Yobe experience offers instructive lessons for Nigerian democracy. The oscillation between consensus and direct primaries reflects tensions inherent in balancing party unity with democratic participation. While consensus may sometimes be expedient, it should not become a veil for autocratic decision-making that disenfranchises party members. Conversely, direct primaries, while aspirationally democratic, demand rigorous safeguards against abuse to fulfill their promise. The integrity of these processes and the willingness of party leaders to embrace transparency ultimately determine whether democracy is deepened or diluted.

To navigate these challenges effectively, the APC and other parties must institutionalize internal democracy by codifying transparent rules that govern consensus arrangements and primary elections. Political stakeholders, including influential figures like Governor Buni, bear responsibility to model democratic conduct, promote inclusion, and respect dissenting voices. Additionally, civil society and electoral bodies should engage actively to monitor primaries and advocate for fairness, reinforcing public confidence in party processes.

READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/2027-the-dynamics-of-consensus-candidates-and-the-crisis-of-succession-in-nigerias-democratic-party-politics/

The saga of ‘Yobe 2027’ encapsulates a critical juncture for the APC and Nigerian politics at large. The convergence of consensus candidacy, the assertive G-six faction, and the pending direct primaries embodies the perennial struggle between entrenched political practices and the aspiration for genuine democracy. While the recent peace brokered by the vice president is commendable, it is the conduct and outcome of the May 3 primaries that will truly test the party’s commitment to democratic ideals. 

The choices made in Yobe will resonate beyond state borders, shaping narratives around political inclusivity, leadership legitimacy, and democratic consolidation in Nigeria’s evolving political landscape. For democracy to flourish, political actors must transcend narrow interests, embrace transparency, and commit to the principle that leadership derives from the will of the many, not the dictates of the few. Only then can Yobe’s political future—and indeed Nigeria’s—be assured of progress, stability, and genuine representation.

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja

Yobe 2027: Consensus, G-Six, and the Crucible of Direct Primaries

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The Psychology of Nigerian Politicians and Voters Power, Survival, Emotion, and the Nigerian Democratic Mind

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The Psychology of Nigerian Politicians and Voters Power, Survival, Emotion, and the Nigerian Democratic Mind

By Ameen Amshi PhD

Politics in Nigeria is often discussed through the lenses of corruption, elections, ethnicity, governance, and insecurity. Yet beneath all these issues lies something deeper and less examined: psychology.
Nigerian politics is not only a struggle for power; it is a struggle for survival, relevance, identity, emotional influence, and public validation. To truly understand the Nigerian political system, one must understand both the psychology of Nigerian politicians and the psychology of Nigerian voters, because both continuously shape each other.
The Nigerian politician does not operate in isolation. Neither does the Nigerian voter. They exist in a complicated relationship built on fear, hope, poverty, loyalty, identity, emotion, and expectation.
For many Nigerian politicians, political office is far more than public service. It represents security, influence, social status, economic access, and protection. In a society where institutions are still evolving and political relevance often determines personal influence, power becomes psychologically addictive.
This explains why many politicians struggle to leave the political space even after decades in office. Losing power in Nigeria can mean losing visibility, weakening alliances, reduced access, and fading public relevance. To many political actors, staying connected to power becomes a form of survival.
This survival mentality shapes political behavior:

  • constant alliance building,
  • aggressive control of party structures,
  • loyalty calculations,
  • and the endless pursuit of appointments and influence.
    At the same time, Nigerian voters also operate from a survival mindset.
    Many citizens do not vote based purely on ideology or policy sophistication. Instead, they often vote based on emotional connection, identity, accessibility, and immediate need. In communities where poverty, unemployment, insecurity, and weak public institutions exist, politics becomes personal.
    The average voter frequently asks:
  • Who can help us?
  • Who remembers our community?
  • Who can provide opportunities?
  • Who can we call in times of hardship?
    This creates a system where politicians are expected not just to govern, but to function as providers, sponsors, protectors, and emergency responders.
    As a result, patronage becomes psychologically normalized.
    A politician who pays hospital bills, sponsors school fees, supports funerals, distributes food, or empowers youth groups is often perceived as compassionate and trustworthy, even when governance performance remains poor. The emotional visibility of generosity tends to outweigh the invisible value of long-term policy reforms.
    This is one of the reasons Nigerian politics remains heavily personality driven rather than institution driven.
    Another unique feature of politics in Nigeria is the near absence of rigid ideological divisions that traditionally define politics in many parts of the world.
    In many democracies, political parties are clearly identified as:
  • leftwing,
  • rightwing,
  • conservative,
  • liberal,
  • progressive,
  • labor oriented,
  • socialist,
  • nationalist,
  • or populist.
    In Nigeria, however, these ideological boundaries are largely blurred.
    Most Nigerian political parties operate within similar political and economic frameworks, and politicians frequently move from one party to another without major ideological conflict. A politician may criticize a party today and join the same party tomorrow without fundamentally changing political beliefs or policy direction.
    This is because Nigerian politics is driven less by ideology and more by:
  • access to power,
  • coalition building,
  • regional balancing,
  • elite negotiations,
  • influence,
  • and political survival.
    In reality, many Nigerian politicians regardless of party affiliation align around one central concept: the acquisition, retention, and management of power.
    Perhaps the most important psychological reality in Nigerian politics is this:
    “Every Nigerian politician was once a Nigerian voter.”
    Most politicians did not begin as part of the elite political establishment. At some point, they were ordinary citizens criticizing government, complaining about corruption, questioning leadership failures, and believing they could do better if given the opportunity.
    However, the Nigerian political system often transforms individuals faster than individuals transform the system.
    The same person who once condemned government inefficiency from outside power may eventually find himself struggling with the same institutional pressures, political compromises, bureaucratic limitations, elite negotiations, and survival calculations once criticized.
    That is what makes Nigerian politics psychologically complex:
    the voter eventually becomes the politician,
    and the politician eventually becomes part of the system the voter complains about.
    Another reality many Nigerians rarely consider is that Nigerian politics is entirely different from what it appears to be from the outside.
    Before elections, politicians often criticize everything:
  • government policies,
  • insecurity,
  • economic hardship,
  • corruption,
  • infrastructure failures,
  • and administrative inefficiency.
    From the outside, many genuinely believe:
    “If I get there, I will do things differently.”
    “I will solve these problems quickly.”
    “I will fulfill all these promises.”
    However, governance in Nigeria is far more complicated internally than it appears externally.
    The moment many politicians enter office, they discover:
  • institutional limitations,
  • bureaucratic bottlenecks,
  • entrenched interests,
  • political compromises,
  • financial constraints,
  • security complexities,
  • legal restrictions,
  • and layers of power negotiations that were previously invisible to them.
    They suddenly realize that governance is not as simple as opposition rhetoric or campaign promises made during rallies.
    What seemed easy from outside government becomes far more difficult within the system itself.
    Timelines change.
    Expectations change.
    Outcomes change.
    Political realities change.
    Social media has also transformed Nigerian political psychology, especially among younger citizens. A new generation of voters increasingly demands accountability, competence, transparency, and issue based governance.
    Recent years have shown signs of political awakening and generational shifts, particularly among younger Nigerians. Movements such as the #EndSARS protests and the momentum surrounding the 2023 Obi/Datti movement demonstrated growing dissatisfaction with traditional political structures and an increasing demand for accountability, transparency, and issue based governance.
    Still, one major challenge remains: in many cases, Nigerian elites rotate access to power rather than fundamentally transform the system itself.
    Political transitions often change personalities more than structures. As a result, the deeper psychological contract between politicians and voters remains largely intact.
    Importantly, these political dynamics are not uniquely Nigerian. Similar patterns exist across much of Africa and many developing democracies:
  • patronage politics,
  • ethnic voting,
  • personality driven leadership,
  • weak ideological structures,
  • and elite centered political systems.
    Yet, despite decades of instability, economic pressure, insecurity, and political tension, Nigeria has continued to endure.
    Nigerian society remains:
  • adaptive under pressure,
  • highly relational,
  • emotionally resilient,
  • resourceful,
  • and socially interconnected.
    Ultimately, Nigerian politics reflects Nigerian society:
  • resilient yet emotional,
  • complex yet adaptive,
  • divided yet interconnected,
  • survival driven yet deeply hopeful.
    And perhaps that enduring hope, more than anything else, remains the strongest psychological force sustaining Nigerian democracy today.

The Psychology of Nigerian Politicians and Voters Power, Survival, Emotion, and the Nigerian Democratic Mind

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IPCR Warns: Let Ballot, Not Violence, Decide Osun Election

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IPCR Warns: Let Ballot, Not Violence, Decide Osun Election

By: Michael Mike

The Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution (IPCR) has warned political actors in Osun State against allowing violence, intimidation and inflammatory rhetoric to overshadow Saturday’s governorship election, urging all stakeholders to ensure that the ballot, rather than coercion, determines the choice of the people.

The warning came on Friday, less than 24 hours before voters in the state are scheduled to elect their governor, amid heightened concerns over election-related violence and security threats in parts of the state. Recent security assessments have identified several Osun local government areas as vulnerable to electoral violence.

In an immediate press statement signed by its Director-General, Dr. Joseph Ochogwu, the IPCR charged governorship candidates, political parties, their supporters, security agencies, election officials and voters to place the interest of Osun above partisan considerations.

The Institute cautioned that political competition must not degenerate into violence, intimidation, threats, hate speech or destruction of property, stressing that political contests are temporary while the consequences of electoral violence could scar individuals, families and communities for years.

“Elections should not be treated as a do-or-die affair,” the Institute said, urging political leaders and candidates to demonstrate leadership by cautioning their supporters against inflammatory statements, misinformation and actions capable of escalating tensions.

The IPCR also delivered a clear message to candidates who may be dissatisfied with the outcome: accept the result peacefully or seek redress through the courts, rather than resorting to self-help.

It urged the candidates and political parties to respect the rules of democratic competition and demonstrate maturity before, during and after the election.

The Institute equally called on voters to resist attempts by politicians or other actors to recruit them as agents of violence, urging them to exercise their civic responsibilities peacefully and respect the rights of citizens supporting rival political parties.

It advised voters to maintain order at polling units, respect election officials and security personnel, and avoid confrontations with political opponents.

The IPCR further warned citizens against becoming conduits for election-related misinformation, particularly on social media, urging them to verify information before sharing rumours or unconfirmed reports capable of triggering unrest.

The appeal comes against a backdrop of heightened political tension in Osun, where reports of shootings, killings, clashes and other politically linked disturbances have fuelled concerns over the security of the August 15 poll. A recent assessment by The Kukah Centre identified 15 local government areas as critical, high or moderate violence-risk zones, with Osogbo and Irewole classified as critical-risk areas.

The IPCR consequently charged security agencies to remain professional, impartial and respectful of citizens’ rights while ensuring adequate protection for voters, election officials and electoral materials.

It also called on the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and its officials to discharge their responsibilities transparently and impartially, ensuring that eligible voters can cast their ballots without fear or intimidation.

Beyond the polling booths, the Institute urged traditional rulers, religious leaders, community leaders, civil society organisations and the media to play their part in preventing violence and discouraging inflammatory rhetoric.

It stressed that the responsibility for a peaceful election does not rest solely with security agencies or INEC, but with every stakeholder participating in the electoral process.

The Institute placed particular emphasis on the period after the announcement of results, urging winners to be magnanimous in victory and losers to accept defeat peacefully or pursue legitimate grievances through the judicial process.

The warning is particularly significant as Osun heads into Saturday’s contest after political parties had earlier signed a peace accord committing themselves to peaceful, free and credible elections.

The IPCR therefore called on the people of Osun State to protect the peace of their communities and demonstrate democratic maturity by ensuring that political differences do not become a trigger for bloodshed.

It said the ultimate test of the election would be whether the people are allowed to freely choose their governor without violence, intimidation or coercion.

“Let the ballot, rather than violence, intimidation or coercion, determine the choice of the people,” the Institute urged.

IPCR Warns: Let Ballot, Not Violence, Decide Osun Election

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Between the politics and comedy of Nigerian religious leaders

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Between the politics and comedy of Nigerian religious leaders

Dr. James Bwala

The politics and religion of Nigeria are a theater of absurdity. Religious leaders in Nigeria frequently mix partisan politics with pulpit preaching. High-profile clerics from both major faiths use their religious platforms to endorse candidates, campaign for specific ballot tickets, and reduce national elections to religious headcounts, often ignoring good governance in favor of sectarian loyalty. I have read, watched, and heard about respected individuals, particularly across the Nigerian faithful—Christians and Muslims—taking to the pulpits or, on any given opportunity, across society, to demonstrate foolishness. I never want to join issues with whatever debate is ongoing within the Nigerian space, whether on traditional platforms, religious views, or the political landscape. However, while observing these trends, I chose to draw our attention to wherever we think we are going as Christians, Muslims, or traditional believers in Nigeria. I see the platform that established this theatrical battleground in our lives as citizens of a great nation. And here we must all come to understand that it benefits no one.

Politics, often deemed one of the most perilous concepts in human experience, demands a critical and profound reflection to truly grasp its implications. It is not just a word or an abstract idea; it speaks more about the intricate interplay of leadership and followership across diverse religious, traditional, and ethnic backgrounds—this essentially encompasses every facet of society. In fact, this universality makes politics in democratic governance extremely complex, expensive, and frequently bewildering even to those who are so involved in its practice. The chameleonic nature of politics, its propensity for self-serving manipulation, and its enduring influence on social structures call for a careful examination, particularly through the lens of Nigerian political realities since the nation’s return to democracy in 1999.

From the outset, politics is about power: who wields it matters, how it is acquired is key, and how it is exercised is very vital. The dynamics of politics go far and beyond the formal institutions and electoral processes; they permeate everyday interactions, decisions, and negotiations among individuals and communities. For example, in democratic societies such as ours, politics ostensibly serves as the mechanism through which diverse interests are reconciled and governance is carried out but not transparently and equitably. Yet the practical dimension often reveals a different story. However, through the lenses, we know that this is marked by intrigue, division, and exploitation. This duality renders politics simultaneously captivating and dangerous. The danger lies not only in overt conflict but also in subtler forms of manipulation and exclusion, which breed mistrust and instability.

The Nigerian context of politics vividly illustrates these tensions. Since the return of democracy or political rule in 1999, the political atmosphere in Nigeria has been characterized by visible ‘shapes and twists,’ referencing the multifaceted and sometimes contradictory practices that define political engagements across the country. From Lagos to Sokoto and Borno to Lagos again, the influence of politics has been unmistakable, shaping the social and economic life of Nigerians in profound ways. It is important to note that politics in Nigeria has often transcended its institutional boundaries to become a tool wielded by clerics, traditional rulers, and various opportunists who understand and manipulate it for personal gain. These actors exploit their positions of trust and authority within communities, utilizing politics as a means of consolidating influence or furthering agendas that may not align with democratic ideals or national unity.

In Nigeria, religion occupies a particularly significant role in the political arena, a situation made more complex by the country’s deep religious diversity. Political actors have frequently exploited this diversity, turning religion into a weapon for division rather than a foundation for coexistence. Figures such as Gumi, Jingir, and Dachemo symbolize how religious leaders can stir societal tensions, often under the protective umbrella of political maneuvering. Politics has afforded these figures the latitude to influence public opinion and exacerbate divisions without facing substantial restrictions or accountability. This phenomenon exemplifies the potent intersection between religion and politics, where the latter facilitates an environment conducive to “divide and rule” strategies.

The phrase “divide and rule” encapsulates a political tactic that has been evident throughout Nigerian history and remains alarmingly relevant today. It refers to the deliberate fostering of division among groups to maintain control and prevent unified opposition. In Nigeria, this strategy manifests in various forms, from ethnic and religious polarization to regional favoritism and patronage networks. An illustrative incident is the comment attributed to the governor of Katsina, Malam Dikko Umaru Radda, who reportedly sought to discriminate against civil servants based on faith. Such statements reveal the pernicious impact of political divisions, which not only undermine social cohesion but also threaten the equitable distribution of resources and opportunities. Ironically, Katsina State’s funding largely derives from federal allocations sourced from the oil revenues of states with populations of differing faiths, underscoring the interconnectedness of Nigeria’s socio-economic fabric and the folly of sectarian posturing.

The permissiveness of Nigeria’s political system towards divisive rhetoric and self-serving actions points to deeper systemic issues. Politics, as practiced, often shields arrogance and impunity, allowing destructive narratives to proliferate while compromising democratic accountability. Nonetheless, this same political arena has proven to be a double-edged sword. History testifies that politics, while seductive in its initial appeal, inevitably exposes vulnerabilities and precipitates the downfall of many who wield it arrogantly. The metaphor of politics as initially sweet but ultimately bitter rings especially true for political office holders who experience the transition back to civilian life at the end of their tenure. The reality they confront is sobering: the power and privileges of office evaporate, leaving behind a life that is “never normal at all.” This truth serves as both a caution and a moral imperative for political actors to govern with humility and foresight.

To move Nigeria toward a healthier political culture, there must be a collective effort to reframe the understanding and practice of politics. Leaders should prioritize genuine service over self-interest, embrace inclusivity, and foster respect for diversity rather than exploiting it for short-term gains. Reform is essential not only in institutional mechanisms but also in the societal attitudes that allow politics to be hijacked by sectarianism and opportunism. Civil society, media, and grassroots movements all have roles to play in holding political actors accountable and promoting a politics that unites rather than divides.

Moreover, democratic governance must transcend mere electoral processes and embody principles that ensure transparency, justice, and equitable development for all citizens. Only then can politics reclaim its nobler purpose: to serve as the art of governance for collective well-being rather than a battlefield for personal ambition or communal discord.

The study of politics, particularly within the Nigerian experience, reveals a landscape fraught with contradictions and challenges. Its dangers lie not only in overt conflicts but also in subtle manipulations that exploit identity and power asymmetries. However, acknowledging these dangers provides the foundation for meaningful reform and transformation. Nigerian politics need not remain a domain of confusion, expense, and exploitation. With committed leadership, informed citizenry, and robust institutions, politics can once again become a force for unity, development, and democratic consolidation. The journey may be arduous, but the stakes—peace, prosperity, and dignity—demand no less. It is time for Nigerian leaders and citizens alike to learn from past mistakes and embrace a politics that truly serves the common good.

  • James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

Between the politics and comedy of Nigerian religious leaders

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