Community Food Banks: A Necessary Step Toward Food Security in Nigeria

By: Dr. James Bwala

Food insecurity and malnutrition remain among the most urgent challenges facing Nigeria. Although the country possesses considerable agricultural potential, millions of Nigerians still struggle to obtain adequate and nutritious food. Vulnerable groups—including children, pregnant women, lactating mothers, persons with disabilities, widows, and low-income households—are particularly affected. Rising living costs, insecurity, unemployment, displacement, and disruptions in agricultural production have further intensified the crisis.

It is against this background that the First Lady of Nigeria, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, CON, called on state governors to establish functional community food banks in each of their three senatorial districts. The call, made during the presentation of food items to the wife of the Katsina State Governor, Hajiya Zulaihat Dikko Radda, is timely and important. Community food banks can serve as practical, locally accessible mechanisms for supporting vulnerable Nigerians, reducing malnutrition, and strengthening the country’s food security system. However, for the program to succeed, state governments must demonstrate genuine commitment, transparency, effective coordination, and sustainable funding.

The food distribution in Katsina State was conducted under the Food Outreach Scheme of the Renewed Hope Initiative (RHI). Representing the First Lady, the wife of the Vice President, Hajiya Nana Shettima, announced that Katsina had become the 30th beneficiary of the scheme, following successful distributions to 29 states and the Federal Capital Territory. The achievement demonstrates the expanding reach of the initiative and its commitment to ensuring that federal interventions are not limited to a few regions or communities.

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Launched in March 2024 under the Social Investment Programme of the Renewed Hope Initiative, the Food Outreach Scheme provides nutritional support to persons with disabilities, widows, and other vulnerable groups. Its purpose is not merely to distribute food items but also to ease household hardship and improve family well-being. In an economy where many families are forced to reduce the quantity and quality of food they consume, such interventions can prevent hunger from developing into severe malnutrition and other social problems.

The First Lady explained that the intervention is sustained through the generosity of two partners who provide two truckloads of food items every month. This support allows the initiative to assist two states monthly. The partnership reflects the value of cooperation between government and private stakeholders in responding to humanitarian challenges. Nevertheless, charitable contributions alone cannot meet Nigeria’s long-term food needs. They should complement, rather than replace, strong public policies that promote agricultural productivity, social protection, employment, and affordable access to nutritious food.

The announcement of the completion of the nationwide rollout of the National Community Food Bank Program is also significant. The program is designed to combat child malnutrition and support pregnant women and lactating mothers, who require adequate nutrition for healthy pregnancies, safe childbirth, and proper child development. Children who suffer from malnutrition may experience stunted growth, weak immunity, poor learning outcomes, and reduced productivity later in life. Addressing malnutrition early is therefore not only a humanitarian responsibility but also an investment in Nigeria’s future human capital.

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Community food banks can make nutritional support more accessible and responsive to local needs. National and zonal programs may provide essential assistance, but their reach can be limited by distance, administrative bottlenecks, insecurity, and inadequate knowledge of local conditions. A food bank located within a community can identify vulnerable households more effectively and respond to emergencies more quickly. It can also coordinate with traditional rulers, religious institutions, women’s groups, health workers, civil society organizations, and local authorities to ensure that assistance reaches those who genuinely need it.

The First Lady was right to stress that federal and zonal interventions alone would not be sufficient to address the scale of the challenge. Nigeria’s population is large, and vulnerability is distributed across urban, rural, and displaced communities. State governments are closer to their people and are therefore better positioned to understand local patterns of hunger and malnutrition. They can identify communities affected by flooding, insecurity, drought, displacement, or economic hardship and design food-bank operations accordingly.

For this reason, every state should establish functional food banks in its three senatorial districts, rather than creating facilities that exist only on paper. A functional food bank must have adequate storage, reliable transportation, trained personnel, transparent management, and a clear system for identifying beneficiaries. It should maintain proper records of food inflows and outflows, monitor the quality and expiry dates of supplies, and establish mechanisms for receiving complaints. Without these safeguards, food banks could become vulnerable to diversion, politicization, or unequal distribution.

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Transparency must be at the heart of the program. Food assistance should be distributed according to need, not political affiliation, ethnic identity, religious background, or personal connections. State governments should publish basic information about the quantities of food received, the communities covered, and the number of beneficiaries reached. Independent monitors, civil society organizations, community leaders, and the media should be allowed to observe and report on the process. Such openness would build public trust and discourage corruption.

Beneficiary selection also requires careful attention. While widows and persons with disabilities are important target groups, the program should include households facing extreme poverty, internally displaced persons, elderly people living alone, orphaned children, and families affected by conflict or natural disasters. Pregnant women and lactating mothers should be linked not only to food support but also to antenatal care, nutrition education, immunization, and other health services. Similarly, children receiving food assistance should be connected to schools, primary healthcare centers, and child-protection programs where appropriate.

Food banks should also support local agriculture. State governments can purchase a significant portion of their supplies from local farmers, cooperatives, and small-scale food processors. This approach would create a reliable market for farmers while ensuring that food assistance contributes to local economic development. Staple foods such as grains, legumes, tubers, vegetable oil, and fortified products can be sourced locally when quality and supply requirements are met. Such a model would help connect emergency food assistance with agricultural production and rural livelihoods.

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The intervention in Katsina State illustrates how federal and state-level efforts can work together. Governor Dikko Umaru Radda described the event as a day of hope and renewed commitment to the welfare of the people. He noted that the intervention demonstrated the federal government’s resolve to reach vulnerable Nigerians at all levels and complemented the state government’s efforts to improve citizens’ well-being. This cooperation is essential because food insecurity cannot be solved by one level of government acting alone.

The governor also stated that his administration, in line with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Renewed Hope Agenda, is investing in education, healthcare, and agriculture. These sectors are closely connected to food security. Education improves household earning capacity and increases awareness of healthy nutrition. Healthcare helps prevent and treat illnesses associated with malnutrition. Agriculture increases food availability and creates employment. When these areas are strengthened together, emergency support can gradually give way to greater household self-reliance.

Security is equally important. Food cannot be produced, transported, or distributed effectively in communities where farmers fear attacks, roads are unsafe, or markets are disrupted. Governor Radda’s statement that his administration is supporting security agencies with necessary equipment highlights the link between security and food security. Insecurity has forced many farmers away from their fields, destroyed livelihoods, displaced families, and increased dependence on humanitarian aid. Governments must therefore protect farming communities, secure transportation routes, and create conditions that allow agricultural activity to resume safely.

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At the same time, political leaders should ensure that food interventions remain focused on public welfare. Food distribution programs must not be used merely as instruments of political mobilization. Although Governor Radda urged Katsina residents to support the ruling party for continuity in governance and development, the success of the food-bank program should be measured by its impact on hunger, nutrition, accountability, and household resilience—not by political loyalty. Public resources and humanitarian assistance belong to the people and must serve all eligible citizens.

The appreciation expressed by Hajiya Zulaihat Dikko Radda to Senator Oluremi Tinubu is understandable. The Renewed Hope Initiative has continued to support women, persons with disabilities, widows, and other vulnerable groups through various social programs. Such interventions offer relief to families facing difficult circumstances. However, they should be implemented as part of a broader national strategy rather than as isolated acts of generosity. Nigeria requires a coordinated system that combines food banks, social safety nets, school feeding, agricultural support, maternal healthcare, nutrition education, and employment opportunities.

The anticipated distribution to Osun, Ogun, and Akwa Ibom States indicates that the Food Outreach Scheme will continue to expand. As more states become beneficiaries, lessons from Katsina and previous distributions should be carefully documented. Program managers should evaluate whether food reached the intended beneficiaries, whether the quantities were sufficient, whether rural communities were adequately covered, and whether the intervention produced measurable improvements in household nutrition. Evidence-based evaluation will help the government improve the scheme and use resources more efficiently.

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Ultimately, the success of the National Community Food Bank Program will depend on sustained political will. Governors must move beyond verbal support and allocate funds for the establishment and maintenance of food banks in their senatorial districts. They should develop clear operating guidelines, establish independent oversight, and work with communities to create reliable distribution networks. The federal government, for its part, should provide technical assistance, promote national standards, coordinate partners, and ensure that states are supported without encouraging duplication or waste.

Nigeria has the human and agricultural resources to overcome food insecurity, but these resources must be organized through effective institutions and responsible leadership. Community food banks will not solve every problem, but they can provide an important safety net for people facing hunger and malnutrition. More importantly, they can serve as platforms for connecting vulnerable families to healthcare, agricultural opportunities, education, and social protection.

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.

Community Food Banks: A Necessary Step Toward Food Security in Nigeria

Atiku vs Shettima: Eight Years in the Vice Presidency Versus Less Than Four—Who Made the Bigger Impact?

By: Dr James Bwala

Comparing the records of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and Vice President Kashim Shettima requires more than political slogans, partisan loyalty, or emotional arguments. It demands an examination of their backgrounds, preparation for public service, roles in government, influence on national policy, and impact on the North-east region. Having worked as a journalist in both Maiduguri, Borno State, and Yola, Adamawa State, I have had the opportunity to interview both men, observe them closely, study their public records, and listen to ordinary Northerners discuss their leadership. These experiences have shaped my view that Kashim Shettima’s less than four years as vice president demonstrate stronger preparation, broader governmental experience, and a more visible commitment to regional development than Atiku Abubakar’s eight years in the same office.

This comparison acknowledges Atiku Abubakar’s political importance and Atiku Abubakar’s political importance or personal accomplishments. He remains a major figure in Nigerian politics and a former vice president who played a significant role in the country’s transition to civilian rule in 1999. However, political prominence should not be confused with effective leadership. A leader should be judged by the institutions he strengthens, the opportunities he creates, the infrastructure he supports, and the long-term direction he provides for the people he serves.

Atiku Abubakar remarkably rose from the Nigeria Customs Service to the position of deputy comptroller-general. His advancement within approximately nine years has often attracted public discussion and controversy, particularly because other officers with strong qualifications reportedly spent decades in the service without attaining similar heights. While questions surrounding his career progression deserve proper historical and institutional examination, the larger issue is what he did with the influence he gained after leaving the Customs Service and becoming vice president.

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Atiku served as vice president from 1999 to 2007 under President Olusegun Obasanjo. The office of vice president in Nigeria is constitutionally limited, but Atiku was widely regarded as one of the most powerful vice presidents in the country’s history. He had substantial political influence, maintained a strong network across the country, and was deeply involved in the administration’s economic and political affairs. However, influence without a clear developmental legacy raises serious questions.

During those eight years, several industries and public enterprises that had historically supported the Northern economy continued to decline or collapsed. The textile industry, agricultural processing, manufacturing, and other productive sectors struggled to survive. Many communities that had depended on these industries experienced unemployment, declining commerce, and growing poverty. The question is not whether one individual – we should not blame one individual for every national failure. Rather, the question is whether a powerful vice president from the North-east used his influence to articulate and implement a clear development strategy for the region.

In my view, the answer is no.

The condition of major roads in the North-east during and after that period further illustrates the problem of inadequate long-term planning. The Gombe–Yola road, for example, became a symbol of neglect for many travellers. Those who used the road before subsequent administrations began rehabilitation projects experienced hardship that went beyond inconvenience. The road affected trade, education, healthcare, transportation, and family connections across the region. During journeys through the North-east, I have listened to travellers express anger and frustration over the condition of the road. Their complaints were not abstract political arguments; they were based on daily experiences.

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A vice president may not directly control every road project, but a politically influential vice president can draw attention to neglected areas, influence national priorities, and build consensus around regional development. Atiku’s eight years in office provided sufficient time to establish a durable framework for the economic transformation of the North-east. Yet the region did not receive the kind of industrial revival, infrastructure expansion, or coordinated economic planning that its population required.

The contents of President Olusegun Obasanjo’s memoirs and his public comments about Atiku have also contributed to the controversies surrounding the former vice president. Those disagreements revealed the tensions within the administration and raised concerns about accountability, trust, and the use of political power. Although political memoirs are often shaped by personal perspectives, they remain important documents for assessing the relationship between leaders and understanding how government functioned during that period.

It is possible to acknowledge Atiku Abubakar as a devoted father and husband while questioning his record as a national leader. Private virtues and public performance are not always the same. A person may be admirable in family life but ineffective in public office. In evaluating a vice president, however, the central concern must be the impact of his public service on the nation.

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Kashim Shettima presents a different profile. Before entering the public spotlight, he obtained a master’s degree and developed a reputation as a serious reader and student of public affairs. His academic preparation and intellectual interests were evident in his speeches and public engagements. More importantly, his experience was built gradually through several levels of responsibility.

Before becoming governor of Borno State, Shettima served as commissioner in several ministries, including education, finance, agriculture, local government, and health. This range of assignments exposed him to different aspects of public administration. He gained experience in budgeting, social services, agriculture, local governance, and healthcare. Such exposure is important because effective national leadership requires an understanding of how different sectors interact.

Shettima did not enter executive leadership as a political novice. He served as governor of Borno State for eight years during one of the most difficult periods in the state’s history. The Boko Haram insurgency had devastated communities, displaced families, disrupted education, damaged infrastructure, and weakened the local economy. Governing Borno under those conditions required crisis management, political coordination, and sustained engagement with federal institutions and international partners.

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No administration is without flaws, and Shettima’s tenure should not be treated as beyond criticism. Nevertheless, he inherited an exceptionally difficult security and humanitarian situation and remained engaged with the state’s recovery. His experience as governor gave him a practical understanding of the challenges facing ordinary citizens, particularly in the North-east. That experience also prepared him for national responsibilities in a way that cannot be measured merely by titles.

His subsequent service in the Senate further strengthened his legislative and national experience. In the Senate, he participated in debates on national issues and worked within the institutions responsible for lawmaking and oversight. By the time he became vice president, he had served as a banker, commissioner, governor, and senator. His career followed a clear progression through professional, executive, and legislative responsibilities.

As vice president, Shettima has operated in a difficult national environment marked by inflation, insecurity, unemployment, poverty, and pressure on household incomes. These challenges are not easy to resolve within a short period. However, in less than four years, his public activities have reflected a strong emphasis on regional integration, economic coordination, and engagement with development institutions.

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The North-east Development Commission has been particularly important in this regard. The commission has supported projects and interventions across Bauchi, Borno, Yobe, Gombe, Taraba, and Adamawa. Roads, schools, health facilities, agricultural projects, and other infrastructure have received attention. It would be inaccurate to attribute every project directly to the vice president, but his political support and advocacy have helped keep the North-east’s development needs visible within the national agenda.

The Abuja–Jos–Maiduguri road project is another example of the scale of infrastructure being pursued. A road linking the Federal Capital Territory to major communities across the North and extending towards Maiduguri has significant implications for trade, mobility, security, and national integration. It represents a broader vision than isolated interventions. When major roads are completed, farmers can reach markets more easily, businesses can move goods at lower cost, students can access schools, and patients can reach hospitals more safely.

The difference between the two vice presidents is therefore not simply the number of years they spent in office. It is also the manner in which they used power and the developmental vision they brought to public service. Atiku’s eight years offered enough time and influence to create a transformative regional programme, yet the industrial and infrastructural decline experienced by the North remained largely unaddressed. Shettima, in less than four years, has promoted a more visible regional-development agenda through institutional support and national projects.

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Critics may argue that comparing Atiku’s eight years with Shettima’s less than four years is unfair because the political, economic, and security circumstances of the two periods differ. That argument has merit. Nigeria in 1999 was emerging from military rule, while the present administration faces a different set of challenges. The powers of a vice president also depend heavily on the relationship with the president and the internal structure of the administration.

Nevertheless, context should not become an excuse for avoiding accountability. Every leader works within limitations, but leadership is demonstrated by the ability to identify priorities, mobilise resources, and create institutions that outlive an individual tenure. Time alone cannot guarantee success. A leader may serve for eight years and leave little lasting impact, while another may achieve meaningful progress in a shorter period.

The people of the North-east deserve evidence rather than political propaganda. Supporters of Atiku Abubakar should present concrete achievements from his eight years as vice president, particularly in the areas of industry, roads, employment, education, agriculture, and regional economic planning. Likewise, supporters of Kashim Shettima must continue to provide verifiable evidence of projects, funding, completion rates, and measurable benefits arising from current interventions. Political headlines are not substitutes for records.

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My conclusion is that Kashim Shettima is the more prepared and institutionally experienced of the two leaders. His academic background, professional training, service as commissioner in several ministries, eight years as governor, and experience in the Senate gave him a stronger foundation for national leadership. His record as vice president, although still incomplete, has larger effects on the nation and especially the people of the North-east than the eight-year period in which the North-east has no experience of the fingers of government. 

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja

Atiku vs Shettima: Eight Years in the Vice Presidency Versus Less Than Four—Who Made the Bigger Impact?

VP Shettima Allegations: Paul Ibe Must Bring Proof, Not Just Headlines.”

By: Dr James Bwala

When Vice President Kashim Shettima referred to former Vice President Atiku Abubakar as “the Jaramogi Odinga of Nigeria,” it was predictable that the Atiku camp would respond. Political supporters rarely allow such comparisons to pass without searching for a way to strike back. In this case, the response focused on the 2012 arrest of Boko Haram commander Kabiru Sokoto at the Borno State Government Lodge in Abuja and demanded that Shettima explain the circumstances surrounding the incident.

That demand is not, in itself, unreasonable. The arrest of a high-profile terrorism suspect at a government facility was a serious security breach, and Nigerians have every right to ask questions about what happened. However, the manner in which the matter is being used politically reveals a recurring problem in public discourse: the tendency to convert an unexplained security incident into an allegation of personal complicity without presenting evidence.

Those attacking Shettima often act on narratives promoted by individuals who know little about the history and complexities of the Boko Haram insurgency in North-east Nigeria. The most reliable accounts of that conflict do not come exclusively from politicians who appeared before television cameras after reading newspaper reports or receiving briefings from others. They come from the communities that suffered the violence and from journalists who lived, worked and reported from the front line for years.

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As a journalist who worked in Maiduguri and covered the North-east for the Nigerian Tribune and other media platforms during the height of the Boko Haram insurgency, I consider myself well placed to discuss the realities of that period. I witnessed the fear, confusion and institutional weaknesses that defined the conflict. I also observed how easily facts were distorted for political purposes. For that reason, I was particularly interested in the recent reaction by Paul Ibe, Atiku Abubakar’s spokesman, demanding that Vice President Shettima answer questions about Kabiru Sokoto’s arrest.

I am not speaking for Shettima in his official capacity as vice president. He has an official spokesperson whose responsibility it is to respond to political and public questions on his behalf. I am speaking as an analyst and journalist who has followed the events of that period closely. Since many people are now presenting themselves as defenders of Atiku or Shettima, it is important to refresh the public record and insist that political arguments remain anchored in facts.

Kabiru Sokoto’s arrest at the Borno State Government’s lodge in Abuja in January 2012 was undoubtedly a major security incident. Sokoto was wanted in connection with the bombing of St Theresa’s Catholic Church in Madalla, Niger State, on Christmas Day in 2011. The attack killed and injured worshippers and shocked the nation. His presence at a government facility naturally raised serious concerns about how he gained access, who facilitated his movement and whether security officials failed in their duties.

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These questions deserve clear answers. Yet, the existence of a security breach is not automatically proof that the governor of Borno State, Kashim Shettima, was involved in terrorism or knowingly assisted a terrorist suspect. That distinction is fundamental. A person may enter a government facility because of negligence, deception, unauthorised assistance or a failure of security procedures. None of these possibilities, without more, establishes the personal involvement of the political head of the state.

The explanation provided by the Borno State Government at the time was that accommodation had been approved for Ibrahim Umar Abba, who arrived with two other men. One of those men was Kabiru Sokoto. The government maintained that the governor and senior state officials did not know the visitors and characterised the incident as a security breach. Whether that explanation is satisfactory is a matter for evidence and investigation. But it should not be dismissed merely because it does not serve a partisan narrative.

The central question that Paul Ibe and others must answer is not whether Sokoto was arrested at a government lodge. That fact is already known. The important question is what evidence demonstrates that Shettima personally knew Kabiru Sokoto, authorised his entry, or knowingly provided assistance to him. If such evidence exists, it should be made public and examined. If it does not exist, then the arrest should not be presented as proof of complicity.

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Political debate cannot be governed by the principle that association equals guilt. If that standard is applied consistently, many public officials could be accused of wrongdoing because a criminal, terrorist or corrupt individual once entered a public building, attended a political gathering or had contact with someone connected to them. In a country where public institutions are often weakened by poor security and inadequate coordination, such a standard would produce endless allegations without establishing responsibility.

There were also reports that Kabiru Sokoto may have intended to target Shettima’s children. That dimension of the case deserves proper examination. It does not, by itself, resolve every question surrounding his presence at the lodge, but it demonstrates why the incident cannot be interpreted from only one angle. If a terrorist suspect was seeking access to a political leader’s family, the possibility that he exploited the identity or connections of another person must be considered. Investigators would need to establish whether the suspect was invited, hidden, deceived officials or used someone else’s credentials.

Has Paul Ibe considered that possibility? Has he examined the investigation records, witness statements or court materials connected to the case? Has he identified evidence showing that Shettima knew Sokoto personally or was aware of the plan to shelter him? These are not attempts to prevent accountability. They are necessary questions if the discussion is to rise above political accusation.

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The broader problem is that the Boko Haram conflict is frequently recalled selectively. Politicians and commentators sometimes reduce complex events to convenient stories that serve present political interests. But the insurgency was not a simple contest between two political parties. It involved terrorism, criminal networks, intelligence failures, local grievances, compromised institutions, community fear and the collapse of trust between citizens and security agencies. The people of Borno and other Northeastern states paid the highest price for those failures.

Journalists who covered the region during that period understood the difference between what was said in official statements and what was happening on the ground. We reported attacks, displacement, arrests, military operations and political reactions. We saw how rumours moved faster than verified information and how officials sometimes spoke before investigations were complete. We also saw how individuals who had never visited the affected communities confidently presented simplistic explanations on television.

That experience should encourage caution. The public deserves transparency, but transparency is not the same as political sensationalism. A demand for explanation is legitimate when it seeks documents, timelines, testimony and verifiable findings. It becomes irresponsible when it implies guilt before the relevant evidence has been established.

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Paul Ibe is entitled to demand answers from Vice President Shettima. Nigerians are equally entitled to ask Atiku Abubakar’s camp whether it is pursuing accountability or merely searching for a political weapon. If the purpose is accountability, then the focus should be on the investigation: Who approved the accommodation? Who authorised the visitors’ entry? What security procedures were followed? Which officials were interviewed? What did the police and intelligence agencies conclude? Was anyone prosecuted, and on what evidence?

These questions should be addressed through official records rather than partisan declarations. If the investigation established that officials acted negligently, appropriate sanctions should have followed. If it established deliberate assistance, those responsible should have faced prosecution. If it found no evidence linking Shettima personally to the suspect, then the public should not be encouraged to treat the incident as proof of guilt.

The same standard must apply to all public officials, regardless of political affiliation. Supporters of Atiku should not demand a lower burden of proof for allegations against Shettima than they would accept for allegations against their own principal. Likewise, supporters of Shettima should not dismiss legitimate questions merely because they come from an opposition figure. Democracy requires scrutiny, but scrutiny loses its value when it is motivated exclusively by revenge.

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The argument also exposes the danger of importing unrelated political grievances into security matters. Shettima’s reference to Atiku as Nigeria’s “Jaramogi Odinga” may have been interpreted by Atiku’s supporters as provocative or dismissive. They may believe the comparison was historically inaccurate or politically insulting. They are free to challenge it. But responding to a political analogy by reviving an old security incident does not automatically strengthen their case. It may instead create the impression that they are changing the subject because they are unhappy with the original remark.

There is a legitimate debate to be had about Atiku Abubakar’s political career, electoral struggles and public role. There is also a legitimate debate about Shettima’s record as governor and national political figure. Those debates should be conducted with evidence, historical accuracy and intellectual honesty. Turning every disagreement into an accusation of terrorism-related complicity damages public discourse and trivialises the suffering of victims of Boko Haram.

The “Jaramogi Odinga” comparison may continue to generate controversy, particularly because historical analogies carry political and cultural meanings. But whatever one thinks of the comparison, it should not be allowed to produce reckless allegations. Political communication should be judged on its accuracy and intention, while security accusations should be judged on evidence.

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The Kabiru Sokoto incident remains a matter worthy of public examination. Government facilities must be protected, security breaches must be investigated, and citizens have a right to know whether officials failed in their responsibilities. But fairness requires a clear distinction between institutional failure and personal criminal intent. Until evidence establishes that Kashim Shettima knowingly assisted Kabiru Sokoto, his presence at the lodge remains evidence of a serious breach—not proof that the governor was involved in terrorism.

If Paul Ibe has evidence to the contrary, he should present it. If the relevant records contain findings that implicate Shettima, those findings should be scrutinised openly. But if no such evidence exists, the allegation should not be treated as established fact simply because it is politically useful. As a journalist, Paul Ibe should know better. 

* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja

VP Shettima Allegations: Paul Ibe Must Bring Proof, Not Just Headlines.”