Politics
China is Reaping the Harvest of Democracy
China is Reaping the Harvest of Democracy
By: Olalekan A. Babatunde
This opinion is coming on the heels of the United States’ preparation to host more than 100 participants in the initial “Summit for Democracy” from 9-10 December 2021. World leaders, along with civil society and private-sector representatives will meet virtually in “renewing democracy in the United States and around the world”. According to James M. Goldgeier and Bruce W. Jentleson in the Politico (5 December), “the summit was never a good idea…” While making reference to the January 6 insurrection, attacks on election officials and ongoing systematic efforts by Republicans in a number of states to curtail voting rights, the authors feared that “the U.S. had questionable credibility to position itself as a leading democracy. “
Determining who is suitably democratic to make the list has already created criticisms and tension. Critics are of the opinion that the list seems to divide the world into “good guys and bad guys.” The entire concept of a democracy summit relies on an overly ideological approach to managing the global agenda. For instance, while Hungary and Turkey are not invited, backsliding democracies such as Poland, the Philippines, Brazil, India and Pakistan on the list raised concerns. Their undemocratic practices have grown worse over the past year. Hungary, the only E.U. a member left out, has already said it is excluded and penalized for its closeness to former President Donald Trump.
Just like other genuine observers of the development, China has legitimately argued “the U.S. has no right to monopolize democratic standards to impose its own political system on others and to instigate division and confrontation under the guise of democracy. “ According to its Foreign Ministry spokesman, Zhao Lijian, “democracy is the common value of all mankind and the right of all peoples.” Of course, he is right. For a country with a feudal history, China has provided leadership in realizing people’s democracy.
Long before many nations evolved popular sovereignty, freedom and political equality, China has been practicing elective democracy. It was the Communist leader Mao Zedong that introduced New Democracy or New Democratic Revolution, a concept of Bloc of Four Social Classes theory in post-revolutionary China underpinning the fact that democracy in China would take a path that was decisively distinct from that in any other country. Today, China’s version of democracy is consultative, with voting permitted at the very local level and public feedback collected before any law is implemented.
In the words of John Ross, former director of economic and business policy for the Mayor of London on China’s framework and delivery on human rights and democracy, said China is “ far superior to the West’s”, as China focuses on real improvement of the real conditions of humanity. While dialogue on democracy is necessary, the idea behind the event raises fundamental questions. What should democracy be all about? What should be the normative end of democracy? Whose system is delivering democratic outcomes? Is China a democracy or not? It is important to provide some explanation.
When the concepts of democracy as a form of government originated in ancient Athens (Greece) circa 508 B.C. none could ever fathom how thousands of years later the Greek system of direct democracy would pave the way for representative democracies across the globe. The point of departure or contention has often been the designations of whether one’s version of democracy is liberal, direct or pure, indirect or representative or electoral. As democracy varies from peoples, regions, religions and cultures, it is important to underscore the fact that every nation has its own system of democracy.
Whatever it is, nations evolved their own system in line with their socio-economic and political conditions-history, culture, tradition and so on. For example, the Swiss cantons and towns evolved people’s assemblies while the Chinese developed theirs. Also if democracy can be exported, Tunisia where the Arab Spring began and Afghanistan would have been perfect examples. But the effectiveness of governance itself is the yardstick of popular government. Today, socialist democracy has built prosperous China in line with the Chinese characteristics. It is not that China had not experimented with the western parliamentary, multiparty and presidential systems after its 1911 Revolution. But they failed.
With the founding of CPC in 1921, an illumination towards democracy was born. China is one of the countries that have advanced their own form of democratic rule. This year marks the 100th anniversary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and has never stopped pursuing democratic dividends for the people. All along, the Chinese people were at the centre of the struggle. So the end of feudal-autocratic rule gave way for the establishment of a democratic republic. The three decades of political development during the “reform and opening-up” period when socialist democracy and the rule of law were advanced ushered China into a new era.
This is the “Whole-Process People’s Democracy” under the CPC leadership. This sounds all encompassing by integrating process-oriented democracy with results-oriented democracy, procedural democracy with substantive democracy, direct democracy with indirect democracy, and people’s democracy with the will of the state. According to Vice Foreign Minister Le Yucheng, “China’s whole-process people’s democracy is not the kind that wakes up at the time of voting and goes dormant afterwards.” Also, the State Council Information Office of China says it is a model of socialist democracy that covers all aspects of the democratic process and all sectors of society. Again, it is the people that elect their leaders. There are nine political parties including CPC in China today but a multi-party cooperation system in which CPC exercises state power. These other parties participate fully in the administration of state affairs under the leadership of the CPC.
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Yet, the CPC under president Xi has reinforced and reformed party politics and government institutions in accordance with democratic norms and rule of law. There are also active roles being played by think tanks and united fronts at the grassroots level up to national level in the development of democratic governance and the rule of law in China. They engage and educate policymakers, media and the public on policy issues, and thereby help bridge the gap between policymakers and the public. In fact, according to the 2014 Global Go To Think Tanks Index Report, Asia (with China) has 16.71% in the global distribution of think tanks by region while North America has 30.05% and Sub-Saharan Africa 7.06%.
A few of these reforms are the modernisation of China’s governance system and capacity, strengthening CPC’s overall leadership, managing over 1.4 billion population with 56 ethnic groups, advancing democratic elections, robust and widespread consultations, decision-making, management and oversight, and promoting political stability, unity and vitality. Power is derived bottom-up. That is, from the people or grassroots. Participation and liberty is high. There are local people’s congresses at all levels. Townships, provinces and national levels have congresses where over 2 million representatives are elected in agreement with the Chinese founding fathers and leaders’ vision. All administrative, supervisory, judicial and procuratorial organs of the state are created by the people’s congresses, to which they are responsible and by which they are supervised. The National People’s Congress (NPC) is the highest organ of state power and is controlled by the National Committee.
Elections in China are extensive and cover all aspects of the country’s political and social life. They include elections to government institutions, villagers and urban residents committees, and employees congresses in enterprises and public institutions. Elections in China are based on equality, and the people’s right to vote and stand for election is fully guaranteed. Each person can cast one vote, and all votes are of equal value. Elections in China are genuine and not manipulated by financial interests. Voters are free to vote for the candidates they trust. The above summary of key democratic organs and processes are enabling China to efficiently and effectively discharge and oversee its day-to-day socio-economic and industrial activities within the country and far beyond. Decision-making procedures and government’s accountability to the people are made easy.
The resultant democratic outcomes for the people are huge. Some of them are worth mentioning. Besides having successfully tamed the spread of COVID-19 pandemic, China has ended absolute poverty by lifting the last 80 million people. It is a unified multi-ethnic state. The Chinese at the grassroots level, employees at private and public institutions exercise democratic rights. This helps to coordinate the interests of multiple stakeholders, mitigate conflict, and maintain social stability and harmony at the grassroots level. Many successful grassroots experiences and practices have eventually turned into national policies, injecting new vitality into the development of China’s democracy.
A modern prosperous society with the spate of a few decades is beyond many imaginations in the world. A democracy that wheeled the engine of the 4th industrial revolution has propelled China from the 7th economy to 2nd prosperous economy in the world. A visitor to China can easily decipher democratic ideals and freedom across the country. Many other countries’ nationalities cannot claim to enjoy the kind of freedom the Chinese have.
Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore once said, “The ultimate test of a political system is whether it improves the standards of living for the majority of people.” China has profoundly proved that democracy can be a tool for human development. It has brought rapid development within the country and around the world. With its presence in over 2/3 of the world through bilateral and multilateral cooperation and trade, China respects other people’s democracy and freedom. It does not interfere with internal politics of the host country.
Therefore, as the democracy summit is exposing the fissures of the world, it is also revealing the weakness in our ability to reckon with other popular governments that are working elsewhere. It also uncovers the hypocrisy in us. We trade and invest in the countries not on the summit list. China’s own model of democracy is worth paying attention to. Many western scholars, diplomats and media have already paid attention to this type of governance that delivers coherent and long-term outcomes of what a true government should be. True democracy is effective governance that is solving problems but not held by political gridlock, corruption and theatrical distractions.
Participating in the new discussions on democracy is a welcome one but it should afford others to lay out their successes and failures in democracy. This is what a genuine meeting on democracy ought to be. The world is in dire need of pragmatic democratic leadership that will pursue peaceful development, protect people’s rights and promote freedom, and help to mitigate the effects of the pandemic and climate change regardless of race, gender, faith and region. As President Joe Biden has said, “Democracy doesn’t happen by accident, we have to defend it, fight for it, strengthen it, renew it.” That was exactly what China has done. They consciously developed their model of democracy, defended it against subversions, and strengthened it with their characteristics. What the people are enjoying now is the fruits of democracy.
*Dr. Babatunde is a fellow, peacebuilding and evidence practitioner at the Nigeria’s Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution, Abuja.
China is Reaping the Harvest of Democracy
Politics
Zone B Rejects Senator Ahmed Lawan: An Exploratory Analysis of His Political Viability in Yobe State for the 2027 Governorship
Zone B Rejects Senator Ahmed Lawan: An Exploratory Analysis of His Political Viability in Yobe State for the 2027 Governorship
By: Dr. James Bwala
The political landscape of Nigeria is often punctuated by a myriad of personalities and ambitions, one of which is Senator Ahmed Lawan’s aspiration to govern Yobe State in the upcoming 2027 elections. As a seasoned politician and former Senate President, Ahmed Lawan carries with him a wealth of experience; however, the critical question arises: what has he delivered to Potiskum, Damaturu, or Nguru to deserve their votes? This inquiry has stirred considerable debate among Yobe State constituents and reflects the growing sentiment of disenchantment towards established political figures. The reactions from Zone B—homes to these key towns—indicate a complex interplay between political loyalty, public expectations, and the effectiveness of representation. Electorates within this zone say Lawan did nothing for them in all his overextended stay in the red chamber.
Understanding the current dynamics requires a brief historical overview of Yobe State politics. Established in 1991, Yobe has had its share of political turbulence, especially in the wake of the Boko Haram insurgency, which severely affected the northeastern states, including Yobe. The socio-economic conditions have significantly deteriorated, leading to a populace that demands accountability and tangible development from its leaders. In recent years, voters have become more discerning, expecting political candidates to present concrete achievements and plans rather than relying on party affiliations or past titles.
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Senator Ahmed Lawan emerged as a prominent national figure through his tenure in the National Assembly, where he served multiple terms representing Yobe North. His role as Senate President awarded him visibility and influence over federal legislative processes. However, despite these privileges, the perception of his contributions to local governance in Potiskum, Damaturu, and Nguru remains contentious. Anecdotal evidence suggests that many constituents feel disconnected from the benefits of Lawan’s political stature, raising questions about the merit of his candidacy for the gubernatorial seat.
The question of what Ahmed Lawan has delivered resonates deeply within the electorate of Zone B. Political realities dictate that voters prioritize tangible benefits over abstract achievements. Reports from various community interactions reveal a growing dissatisfaction with traditional political narratives espoused by long-serving politicians like Lawan. Many constituents voice frustration over unmet promises, ineffective representation, and a perceived lack of initiative to tackle Yobe’s pressing issues, such as youth unemployment, healthcare, education, and infrastructure deficits.
At a time when Nigeria grapples with economic challenges exacerbated by insecurity, citizens are increasingly inclined to support candidates who demonstrate a genuine understanding of local issues and can articulate actionable plans for improvement. Social media platforms and town hall meetings amplify these concerns, showcasing a landscape where previous accolades, such as Lawan’s Senate leadership, do little to sway voters lacking firsthand experience of progress.
A pivotal aspect of this analysis involves scrutinizing Lawan’s recorded achievements and the critiques levied against him, particularly concerning his impact on his constituents. During his tenure, Lawan has championed various bills and initiatives at the national level, allegedly aimed at driving development across the nation. However, these efforts are often viewed through a skeptical lens by residents of Potiskum, Damaturu, and Nguru, who expect direct benefits.
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For instance, although infrastructural projects may be initiated at the federal level, the tangible impact on local communities varies significantly. Reports indicate that significant resources allocated for developments sometimes yield minimal results, leading to skepticism regarding the efficacy of Lawan’s political maneuvers. Consequently, many residents in Zone B question whether their needs have been prioritized or merely sidelined during his continuous climb up the political ladder.
The legacy of previous governors in Yobe State also casts a long shadow over Lawan’s aspirations. Residents compare the current senator with past leaders who made discernible impacts on healthcare, education, and infrastructure, reinforcing the belief that simply holding a high office does not equate to delivering meaningful results. As discussions about his candidacy unfold, it becomes evident that Ahmed Lawan must articulate a compelling vision that addresses these discontents if he hopes to garner support.
As the 2027 election approaches, Lawan faces significant challenges. Primary among them is the need to rebuild trust and establish a genuine connection with the electorate. Engaging directly with communities, understanding their grievances, and developing localized solutions could become pivotal strategies for his campaign. Senator Ahmed Lawan must navigate the evolving political terrain, where emerging candidates leverage grassroots movements, challenging the status quo and resonating more profoundly with younger voters.
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The influence of social media cannot be overstated in the current electoral climate. Platforms that facilitate civic engagement serve as double-edged swords; while they can amplify candidate messages, they also serve as venues for criticism and accountability. For Lawan, maintaining a proactive presence online and responding to public sentiment will be essential in shaping his narrative as a viable candidate for the governorship.
The factional divisions within the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) present another layer of complexity. While Ahmed Lawan enjoys national recognition, local party dynamics can either bolster or hinder his chances. Securing robust support from influential stakeholders and grassroots party members will be crucial as factions within Yobe’s political landscape begin to coalesce around potential rivals who might promise fresh perspectives and innovative solutions to long-standing challenges.
Senator Ahmed Lawan’s aspiration to govern Yobe State in 2027 is steeped in a multifaceted context that intertwines local expectations, political legacies, and emerging sociopolitical dynamics. The question, “What has Ahmed Lawan ever delivered to Potiskum, Damaturu, or Nguru?” serves as both a critique and a catalyst for deeper reflection on the responsibilities of elected officials. Reflecting on his past contributions and addressing the tangible needs of his constituents will be paramount for Lawan to carve out a path toward electoral success.
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As Yobe State prepares for the upcoming gubernatorial race, it becomes increasingly clear that political aspirations must be anchored in accountability, empathy, and a commitment to genuine public service. For Senator Ahmed Lawan to resonate with the voters of Zone B, his campaign will require a transformative approach to engage with the community meaningfully and deliver on the hopes and aspirations of the people he seeks to govern. The journey ahead remains fraught with challenges, but as history has demonstrated, political landscapes can shift dramatically when candidates embrace the voices of those they aim to serve.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
Zone B Rejects Senator Ahmed Lawan: An Exploratory Analysis of His Political Viability in Yobe State for the 2027 Governorship
Politics
Zulum picks APC’s digital membership card
Zulum picks APC’s digital membership card
By: Our Reporter
Borno State Governor, Professor Babagana Umara Zulum, on Sunday picked up his membership card for the ongoing All Progressives Congress’ (APC’s) digital registration exercise.
Governor Zulum was presented with his membership card by the Borno State APC chairman, Hon Bello Ayuba, following his registration by the agent of his ward, Aiari unit 003, after the flag off of the exercise at the party’s State secretariat in Maiduguri.

Alongside the governor, his deputy, Umar Usman Kadafur and the APC Deputy national chairman, Ali Bukar Dalori, have been presented with their membership cards.
Speaking shortly after the registration process, Zulum said: “Strengthening internal democracy is a key to stable democracy, and therefore, I call on all members of our party to register via the e-platform. Let us expand our membership.
“I believe Borno State can register more than 2 million people for the APC. I want all the critical stakeholders to work assiduously to ensure the success of this registration exercise.”
The APC’s digital membership card initiative aims to create a verifiable, centralised database of all party members. This system aims to enhance internal democracy, streamline communication, and facilitate more effective political engagement.

Ayuba commended Governor Zulum’s proactive leadership and mobilisation efforts, thanking him for the relentless support
The occasion was attended by the Chief Whip of the Senate, Barrister Mohammed Tahir Moguno, Senators Mohammed Ali Ndume and Barrister Kaka Shehu Lawan (SAN).
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Other high-level dignitaries present included the member representing Marte, Monguno, Ngangai constituency at the House of Representatives, Engr Bukar Talba; the Speaker of the Borno State House of Assembly, Abdulkarim Lawan; the Secretary to the Borno State Government, Malam Bukar Tijani; the Acting Chief of Staff, Dr Babagana Mallumbe; commissioners and other government officials.

Zulum picks APC’s digital membership card
Politics
VP Kashim Shettima: Leadership, Loyalty, and When Truth Laughs Last
VP Kashim Shettima: Leadership, Loyalty, and When Truth Laughs Last
By: Dr. James Bwala
It is undeniably a fact that the political landscape is often fraught with tension, rivalries, and competing narratives everywhere in the world where democracy thrives. In Nigeria, the recent criticisms directed at Vice President Kashim Shettima highlight the complexities of political alliances and the nature of public perception, especially where people don’t look for facts. Critics now calling for Shettima’s replacement ahead of the 2027 elections appear to forget their past demeanor during a critical juncture for the All Progressives Congress (APC) and its leadership, particularly when Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s ambition was still a dream. The narrative that seeks to undermine Shettima’s long-standing association with Tinubu, or “Jagaban,” is not only misguided but also undermines the principles of loyalty and consistency that are crucial in political partnerships.
At the heart of this discussion is the theme of loyalty in politics. Those who now vilify Shettima were, at some point, reluctant participants in the renewal of hope that characterized the Tinubu campaign. When the winds were unfavorable, and doubts about Tinubu’s presidential aspirations loomed large, Shettima emerged as a steadfast ally, rallying support and reinforcing confidence in Tinubu’s eventual success. This unwavering support is a testament to Shettima’s character and political acumen. In times of uncertainty, true leaders demonstrate their commitment not by wavering under pressure but by standing firm in their convictions. Shettima did stand firm.
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By revisiting this historical context, we can better understand the motivations behind the current wave of criticism. The calls for Shettima’s replacement seem to stem from an oversimplification of a highly intricate political relationship. Shettima’s partnership with Tinubu is built on years of collaboration and shared goals. A strong partnership can withstand the test of time only if both parties remain committed to their collective vision. The attempts to dismantle Shettima’s reputation reflect a misunderstanding of the dynamics at play; it isn’t merely about individual ambitions, but rather about maintaining the integrity of a well-established alliance.
Critics often resort to fabrications and speculative narratives that seek to portray Shettima as disloyal or ineffective. Such discourse serves little purpose other than to fuel division within the party and provide cover for individuals who may feel threatened by Shettima’s longstanding influence. This tendency to rewrite history reflects a broader issue within political discourse—the inclination to prioritize short-term gains over the long-term benefits of solidarity among allies. As political operatives engage in this behavior, they risk alienating those who genuinely believe in the party’s vision.
This criticism can also be interpreted as a reflection of insecurity among certain factions within the APC. By targeting Shettima, they aim to weaken one of the most formidable supporters of Tinubu, thus hoping to elevate their own standings within the party hierarchy. However, such tactics may ultimately backfire as they foster an atmosphere of distrust and resentment. The strength of any political party lies in its ability to unify its members around common goals. Infighting serves only to distract from the real issues facing the nation and creates opportunities for opposition parties to seize upon divisions.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/borno-2027-fear-grips-political-elites-as-the-move-to-seek-governor-zulums-dark-horse-tops-discussion/
Addressing the partnership between Shettima and Tinubu must involve acknowledging their shared vision for Nigeria. Both politicians understand the imperative of economic development, security enhancement, and social cohesion in governing a nation as diverse as Nigeria. Their collaborative efforts have consistently focused on addressing these challenges head-on. Therefore, any attempt to malign Shettima’s contributions is essentially a critique of the larger framework they have both participated in forging. To dismiss his role is to diminish the significant strides taken by the APC under their joint stewardship.
Additionally, history will reveal whether or not the severe criticism leveled against Shettima is based in reality or merely serves the interests of those seeking to disrupt the status quo. Politicians come and go, but foundational reputations are built over years. Shettima has proven his mettle not just as a vice president, but as a reputable political player who commands respect within various circles. One cannot erase decades of hard work and an exemplary track record due to transient political friction or fabricated narratives. Indeed, truth and reputation are enduring forces that often transcend the fleeting nature of political rivalry.
As observers of Nigerian politics evaluate the current milieu, it becomes vital to encourage a more informed dialogue regarding leadership and loyalty. It is unjust to hold individuals accountable for mistakes made by a collective, especially when loyalty requires a degree of faith that can sometimes be tested. Politics should not devolve into an arena for personal vendettas cloaked as ideological disputes. Instead, it should embrace the tenets of constructive criticism and unity.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/borno-2027-fear-grips-political-elites-as-the-move-to-seek-governor-zulums-dark-horse-tops-discussion/
The clamor for Vice President Kashim Shettima’s replacement, fueled by unsubstantiated claims and a disregard for historical allegiances, risks destabilizing the very foundation of the APC. Those who now criticize him must reckon with the fact that their distance during Shettima’s unwavering support for Tinubu illustrates a fundamental lack of accountability in their own political journey. Loyalty, consistency, and mutual respect must guide political behavior if there is to be sustainable progress. History teaches us that while individual fortunes may rise and fall, the legacy of partnerships forged in loyalty and common purpose endures. It is this enduring truth that stands against the tides of fabricated stories, ensuring that ultimately, truth will indeed laugh last.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
VP Kashim Shettima: Leadership, Loyalty, and When Truth Laughs Last
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