Columns
RE: SDP ‘now Nigeria’s new bride’?
RE: SDP ‘now Nigeria’s new bride’?
By: Dr. James Bwala
This caption drew my attention as I woke up this morning. “SDP is now Nigeria’s ‘new bride’; we’re ready to unseat Tinubu in 2027.” Mr. Dogara, an official, described the SDP as “the new bride of Nigeria,” claiming the party’s membership is growing rapidly across the country. “I was supposed to be surprised, but I laughed so hilariously knowing the political landscape we are operating in and how some people can turn in their dreams and hold on to a belief that they are still kings as they were in that dreamland.
The metaphor of a “new bride” in political discourse often symbolizes freshness, hope, and transformative potential within a political landscape. In Nigeria, the Social Democratic Party (SDP) emerged as one such entity purported to represent renewal and progressive change. However, despite this symbolic promise, the SDP lacks substantive impact in Nigeria’s complex political environment. The party’s existence does not translate into genuine institutional reform or meaningful democratic consolidation. Instead, Nigerian politics remains marred by entrenched issues such as corruption, ethnic divisions, and electoral malpractice that hinder any new political actor from effecting substantial change.
Moreover, the SDP’s inability to distinguish itself from established parties suggests that it fails to embody the qualities associated with a “new bride.” Rather than offering innovative policies or an alternative governance model, it appears as another participant in Nigeria’s cyclical political stagnation. Consequently, while multiple avenues exist to identify a “new bride” politically—such as ideological novelty or reformist zeal—the SDP conspicuously lacks these attributes in contemporary Nigerian politics.
Despite its initial allure, the SDP’s platform lacks the ideological clarity and policy depth necessary to challenge Nigeria’s entrenched political norms. In essence, the SDP’s failure to articulate a distinct political vision or leverage grassroots support further underscores its inadequacy as an agent of change within Nigeria’s entrenched political system. Furthermore, the SDP’s lack of strategic alliances and failure to galvanize a broad-based coalition further diminishes its potential as a transformative political force in Nigeria.
The party’s lack of a coherent strategy to address Nigeria’s pressing socio-economic challenges further exacerbates its inability to resonate with the electorate and establish itself as a credible alternative. Without a compelling narrative or a robust grassroots engagement strategy, the SDP remains ill-equipped to navigate and influence the complex political terrain of Nigeria, leaving them in stark contrast to what one might expect from a truly revitalizing political entity.
The SDP’s inability to distinguish itself from the existing political framework further limits its capacity to attract voters seeking genuine change. Moreover, the absence of a clear and compelling policy agenda not only hinders the SDP’s ability to differentiate itself from established parties but also limits its appeal to a populace yearning for substantive political reform. Without a clear vision or innovative approach, the SDP’s efforts to engage with Nigeria’s diverse electorate remain superficial and largely ineffective.
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The party’s failure to articulate a clear stance on key national issues, such as corruption and electoral reform, further alienates it from voters who are desperate for meaningful progress and accountability in governance. The SDP’s struggle to resonate with the electorate is exacerbated by its lack of charismatic leadership.
Compounding this issue is the party’s inability to effectively leverage grassroots movements or build a robust network of support at the community level. Moreover, the party’s outdated strategies and lack of engagement with Nigeria’s youthful population further diminish its appeal as a viable alternative to the entrenched political entities. This is further compounded by the SDP’s failure to articulate a clear and compelling vision that distinguishes it from established parties, leaving it adrift in a sea of political sameness.
SDP’s inability to leverage its historical significance and past achievements has rendered it almost invisible in a rapidly evolving political environment. Lacking the dynamic qualities and fresh perspectives typically associated with a ‘new bride,’ the SDP struggles to captivate the electorate’s imagination or promise substantial change in Nigeria’s political discourse. In a political landscape where the electorate is increasingly seeking genuine transformation and innovative solutions, the SDP’s inability to adapt and present a forward-thinking agenda leaves it struggling to remain relevant.
Without a strategic overhaul and a willingness to embrace innovation, the SDP risks fading into irrelevance as voters gravitate towards parties that offer tangible solutions and visionary leadership. The SDP’s inability to resonate with the aspirations of a diverse and dynamic electorate underscores its struggle to remain pertinent in Nigeria’s competitive political arena.
Despite these challenges, the SDP continues to participate in elections, albeit with diminishing influence and limited success. Such circumstances underscore the necessity for the SDP to undergo a transformative renewal, one that prioritizes innovative policies and embraces the dynamic energy of Nigeria’s younger generation. Engaging with the youth through meaningful dialogue and showcasing a commitment to addressing their concerns could potentially revitalize the party’s image and reconnect it with a demographic that is pivotal for electoral success.
By fostering an environment that encourages the participation of emerging leaders and by aligning its policies with the progressive aspirations of the populace, the SDP could potentially redefine its role in Nigeria’s political future. By doing so, the SDP may not only rejuvenate its appeal but also position itself as a credible alternative capable of driving meaningful change in Nigeria’s evolving political landscape. For now, contrary to its claims and dreams of unseating President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in 2027, according to Abubakar Dogara, the party’s national vice chairman for the North-Central Zone, the party needs to look inward and look at the vast grounds they are dreaming of breaking to make an impact in 2027.
*James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
RE: SDP ‘now Nigeria’s new bride’?
Columns
Jos: Living in Conflicts and Crisis for a Quarter of a Century: Where Peace Became Paranormal Stranger (2)
Jos: Living in Conflicts and Crisis for a Quarter of a Century: Where Peace Became Paranormal Stranger (2)
By: Balami Lazarus
How do we find lasting solutions to the conflicts and crises in Jos? How do we go about the general insecurity facing the nation? While the utterances of some highly placed Nigerians like Godswill Akpabio, Nuhu Ribadu, Sheik Gumi, and others are fuelling this aged monster called
insecurity and its perpetrators that is burning us to the third degree.
I have radical lasting solutions to the conflicts and crises in Jos. And the general insecurity we allowed ourselves to be webbed in it.
The lingering civil unrest in Jos has fast-forwarded the insecurity in the city. It has also intensified killings, kidnapping, banditry, and terrorism in guerrilla-style attacks, as in the case of Ungwan Rukuba, 29th March, 2026.
Reportedly, there are lots of guns in the hands of many citizens of Plateau State unlicenced. In fact, Nigerians are now leveraging the provisions of the law for self-defense.
But how far and to what extent can we defend ourselves against these bandits or terrorists that are armed with sophisticated firearms? While in Jos, they (terrorists/bandits) are taking advantage of our disunity to launch mayhem on us living in the city.
The recent attacks by unknown gunmen in the city center (Ungwan Rukuba) show the extent of how we have failed in our unity. And that allegedly no arrest has been made. Rather innocent youths of the said area were arrested and are now treated as suspects of the gruesome killings.
Now let me begin to reel out my radical solutions on these issues that have eaten deep into our bone marrows.
Indeed, the need for well-equipped and armed standing state and local government police is a necessity for state security and protection of lives and property of the citizens that will in turn propel
and enhanced our national security, because this issue has engulfed the country.
The conflicts and crises in Jos have always been generated from within by some individuals or groups of persons who lack peaceful coexistence in their DNA.
The immediate thing to do is for each and every ward to organize, train, and arm their vigilante groups with assault rifles. An example of one such group is the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) of Maiduguri in Borno state. This vigilante group is doing well in protecting the city. I commend them.
I hereby believe the application of the method aforementioned will bring back peace as a permanent resident in Jos but not as an itinerant. Because it is only in the Jos Plateau that peace is always travelling, and you hear us saying, “Peace has returned.”
The government and the people are now paying dearly for the consequences of the inactions and deliberate refusal of the recent past and present administrations—federal and state—to take decisive actions to bring an end to these compounded insecurities destroying the polity.
I am one individual who holds strong beliefs and believes in radical ways of finding solutions to problematic issues.
Using Plateau State as an example, where incessant killings are a permanent feature. Therefore, Nigerians should begin to agitate for the breakup of the country through peaceful means like a referendum or restructuring of our systems for a better Nigeria, on the one hand. It is now the right time for regions or groups to begin the process of secession as radical change for the good of the balkanization of the country, on the other.
Whereas if and when two can no longer live together in an agreed-upon and peaceful atmosphere, having exhausted reasonable avenues. What will be the next action?
And here we are. What are we going to do? Tell me sincerely and truthfully.
Balami, Publisher/Columnist 08036779290
Jos: Living in Conflicts and Crisis for a Quarter of a Century: Where Peace Became Paranormal Stranger (2)
Columns
Jos: Living in Conflicts and Crisis for a Quarter of a Century; Where Peace Became a Paranormal Stranger (1)
Jos: Living in Conflicts and Crisis for a Quarter of a Century; Where Peace Became a Paranormal Stranger (1)
By: Balami Lazarus
Imagine a child born in Jos 25 years ago is today an adult by all standards, probably married with a child. And certainly the young man has passed through tense moments, conflicts, and crises that came with hatred, destruction, and killings among the citizens of the state where the lives of the young and the old were not spared.
Looking back with nostalgia when my peers and I were young secondary students in Plato College Sharam, peace was a permanent resident, residing in quietness and recollection when Jos was a melting point of coexistence among the inhabitants in both public and social life. What happened to the question tag?
The Jos conflicts/crisis has suffocated the metropolitan environment over time and space, pollinated by suspicion of ethno-religious and extremist teachings of ideologies in cells carried out by some elements that have created hatred and fear among the people.
Of late, this crisis has turned into terrorist and bandit attacks, claiming more lives than before. And for some residents, including this writer, it is no longer strange nor an item of public discussion in the affairs of some citizens. Because it has been with the people as a paranormal mystery for a quarter of a century (25 years).
However, the loss of lives is the most disturbing central theme in this crisis and/or attacks. Political and economic progress are stagnated; businesses are backstage affairs conducted with fear in a helter-skelter fashion in exchange for goods and services.
The hatchlings of these bloody conflicts and crises have manifested in no-go areas with devastating effects on the intra-micro commercial/corporate business transactions. Rebellion subjects, enemies of peace, have long polarized the city of Jos into ethno-religious and political divides.
The year 2001 was the beginning of Jos’s crisis that has become cyclical these several seasons within the Jos and Bukuru metropolises.
The attitudes of the affected and concerned citizens have illuminated the depths of their feelings, revealing a kaleidoscope of doubts as Nigerians. The Ungwan Rukuba killing spree and the decades of unrest in Jos have raised motions for the identity and reconstruction of the Nigerian state.
To be continued.
Balami, Publisher/Columnist. 08036779290
Jos: Living in Conflicts and Crisis for a Quarter of a Century; Where Peace Became a Paranormal Stranger (1)
Columns
Descendants of Yamtra-Wala: Surfing in the Comfort of the Bura Ethnic Tribe/Cultural Identity
Descendants of Yamtra-Wala: Surfing in the Comfort of the Bura Ethnic Tribe/Cultural Identity
By: Balami Lazarus
I have spoken and written articles on the Bura-Pabir, where I was called names with insults of convex images. I am here once again with nearly the same subject on ethnic tribe/cultural identity: the dilemma of the Pabir group of people who are standing poised between being Pabir or Babur.
The Bura people are an independent ethnic nation historically, geographically, and politically within the Biu territory long before Yamtra-Wala. Is it then wrong for anyone to think and say that the Pabir group of people are the same as the Bura from an ethnic-tribe/historically cultural perspective? What made them the same? How and when did they become the same? Are the Bura people descendants of Yamtra-Wala?
Historically, the Pabir are an extraction of Kanuri/Kanembu through the bloodline of a disgruntled prince, Abdulla, from the Kanem-Borno Empire, who, with his band of 70 men, founded the Biu kingdom and her royal dynasty in or about 1535.
In this work, I will write using Pabir, their original name given to them by the Bura people. I will also raise some thought-provoking questions with the uffti of truth in the space of ethnic tribe/cultural identity.
In history, I was taught to always take note of historical facts and figures and be objective in analyzing historical events/source materials with a sense of reasoning because many histories were falsified through irrational narratives/oral history from one generation to the other.
What is then the rationale behind the Pabir people addressing themselves as Babur? I believed answers to this are rooted in ethno-religious sentiments capped with an inferiority complex in the claws of
Babur. Why are they now forcing themselves on the Bura people’s cultural identity considering the recent development on the yearly Bura Cultural Festival at Marama? And this is the same ethnic tribe many Pabir scorned with contempt.
I was privileged to ask some few individuals from both divides, and what they said on this matter was the plain truth. “The Bura people are the first inhabitants of this territory, people with unique culture, traditions, and customs.” One individual said, “We have to be part of them (Bura) because we are a minority with no ethnic/cultural identity, nor are we an ethnic tribe/nation… They gave us the collective name “Pabir,” not “Babur,” as we are being called and addressed wrongly today.
The distant and recent events have not been in favor of the Bura people. Proponents of the Babur conspiracy theory presumably thought that by being addressed as Babur, they would be given ethnic tribe and cultural identity garments. But has it?
In the context of history, if and when one is speaking or writing for the purpose of ethnic tribe/cultural identity of the Bura people, I believe that such
Submissions shall probably be in favor of the Bura as an independent ethnic nation, unlike the Pabir, who are direct descendants (Yamara-Wala) of Prince Abdulla from Birni Ngarzargamu in the Kanem-Borno Empire.
“I am a Pabir man. Can you point at any cultural source material or genre tied to us as our cultural heritage? And neither are we of common ancestry or lineage with the Bura.”
Let us rewind back, taking into consideration the name Yamtra-Wala, the founder of the royal dynasty of Biu. In the Bura dialect, it is pronounced and spelled as “Yamta Ola.” However, you may wish to know that it has its roots in the Arabic language.
But in an attempt to improvise and starve the term “Pabir,” choking it with “Babur” has further perpetuated historical miscarriage, a clear distortion of history.
What was the position of the Pabir in the ethnic/cultural unity of the Bura people of the Biu territory? Where were they when they had the Bura Almanac of the 1950s, 60s, and 70s titled Bura Community in the following towns and cities like Kaduna, Lagos, Kano, Jos, Enugu, Ibadan, Zaria, and other locations within Nigeria? It is on record that there was absolutely no mention of Pabir in unity with Bura combined as a united community in such places. How then did Pabir get into the ethnic tribe/cultural identity of the Bura people, considering the recent development on the yearly Bura Cultural Festival? Note that these are the same people the Pabir scorned with sentiments of “mission.” However, it still remains the healthy stock where many have reached the sun.
Be as it may, probably they are afraid to be left out individually or collectively in the ethnic identity provided by the Bura people. And to also bask in the comfort of Bura cultural identity and heritage.
Historically, before 1535, there was no such group of people in the Biu territory. Therefore, the band of the 70 led by Prince Abdullah of Birni Ngazargamu in Kanem-Borno does not add up to give the Yamtra descendants the permit to claim ethnic tribe and cultural identity of the Bura people. Archaeological sources around the greater Biu territory like the ancient abandoned settlement sites such as Kumba in old Bwala village. Ghenchabiri in Kwajaffa, among many others in the Hawul Local Government Area, is evidence of the presence of the Bura people before c.1535.
I hereby tie myself with roots of history to say that the Pabir people, who are the descendants of Yamtra-Wala, will find it difficult to disengage and/or isolate themselves from the beautiful Bura ethnic tribe and cultural identity despite sentiments of “mission” because Yamtra-Wala came without cultural identity. For this reason, Pabir or Babur are offshoots of the Bura ethnic tribe and cultural identity because they have an identity of their own.
Similarly, the Bura are the lighthouse of the Biu territory because they are found all over, contributing their quota to nation-building. They also made up the greater part of the Biu territory’s population.
Balami, Publisher/Columnist 08036779290
Descendants of Yamtra-Wala: Surfing in the Comfort of the Bura Ethnic Tribe/Cultural Identity
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