Columns
2027: SDP, El-Rufai, and the refuge of lies
2027: SDP, El-Rufai, and the refuge of lies
By Dr. James Bwala
Governor Uba Sani of Kaduna state and the former senator representing Kaduna Central, Senator Shehu Sani, have severally revealed in their various commentaries and interviews with journalists the kind of person the former governor of Kaduna state, Malam Nasir El-Rufai, is and what he represents within and outside the political circles. Many who had also come across such pieces of writing or articles written about the former Kaduna state governor, Malam Nasir El-Rufai, have either aired their sentiments or held their reservations about the person of El-Rufai. Those of us who were born and brought up in Kaduna State can agree or disagree with Governor Uba Sani and Senator Shehu Sani on their conclusion of the person of El-Rufai. But certainly, one thing we may all agree on is better put in the words of Nigeria’s former head of state and president, Olusegun Obasanjo, when he described the Man-El-Rufai in his book, “My Watch,” Vol. 2, pages 110-112. “El-Rufai has a penchant for lying, disloyalty..’.
The political landscape of Nigeria in 2027 presents a complex narrative of opportunism and strategic repositioning, epitomized by Nasir el-Rufai’s calculated maneuvers within the Social Democratic Party (SDP). El-Rufai’s persistent party-hopping demonstrates the pragmatic nature of Nigerian political elites, who prioritize personal interests over substantive national transformation. This phenomenon reveals a systemic problem where political leaders view party affiliations as tactical instruments rather than platforms for genuine societal progress. The strategically orchestrated political realignments, particularly el-Rufai’s mobilization of opposition leaders under the SDP banner, underscore a deeper malaise in Nigerian democratic practice. His attempts to reconstruct political narratives reflect a calculated approach to maintaining relevance in an increasingly volatile political environment. The persistent manipulation of electoral dynamics suggests a continued reliance on rhetorical strategies designed to obscure fundamental governance challenges.






In 2027, the political landscape in Nigeria continues to be shaped by complex dynamics involving several players, notably the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and prominent figures like Nasir El-Rufai. This piece explores the intersection of political strategies, governance, and the pervasive influence of misinformation, encapsulated in the idea of a “refuge of lies.” The SDP has historically positioned itself as a party dedicated to social justice, democracy, and economic advancement. However, as 2027 unfolds, it faces significant challenges that threaten its credibility and electoral viability. One critical issue is the party’s struggle to maintain a clear and honest narrative amid a climate of misinformation.
In recent years, the proliferation of social media has allowed for rapid dissemination of both information and falsehoods, leading to confusion among voters. The SDP must navigate this reality by championing transparency and engaging with citizens on the ground to rebuild trust. Nasir El-Rufai, the former governor of Kaduna State, also plays a pivotal role in this narrative. Known for his controversial approaches to governance, El-Rufai’s political maneuvers often stir debate. His strategies, ranging from economic reforms to security initiatives, highlight the necessity of truthful discourse in politics.
In a political climate where misinformation can skew public perception, El-Rufai’s successes and failures must be viewed through a lens of honesty. The SDP could benefit by aligning its objectives with truthfulness, demonstrating how effective governance relies on accurate and factual communication. The “refuge of lies” refers to the tendency of some political actors to resort to deceitful tactics to gain an advantage. This can involve making exaggerated claims about achievements or downplaying failures to manipulate public opinion. This practice erodes the foundation of democracy, as voters are left with distorted views of their leaders and their policies.
Throughout 2027, as both the SDP and El-Rufai navigate their agendas, it is crucial to foster an environment where integrity prevails over deception. Voter education campaigns that promote critical thinking and fact-checking can combat the effects of misinformation. Indeed, the interplay between the SDP, Nasir El-Rufai, and the concept of the “refuge of lies” presents a critical moment for Nigeria’s political future. It emphasizes the importance of truthfulness in governance and the need for political accountability. As the country approaches the next electoral cycle, the challenges posed by misinformation demand urgent action. A commitment to transparency and integrity from both the SDP and political leaders like El-Rufai can foster a healthier democratic process, ultimately benefiting the electorate and the nation as a whole.
Ultimately, the 2027 political landscape for the SDP and its co-travellers under the umbrella called “A Coalition” represents a refuge of lies, where political survival trumps meaningful democratic engagement. El-Rufai’s maneuvers exemplify a broader pattern of political opportunism that undermines the potential for substantive national renewal. As Nigerian voters navigate these complex political terrains, the imperative for critical engagement and systemic accountability becomes increasingly paramount. Voters are left to discern between the rhetoric of change and the reality of recycled political tactics. The electorate’s skepticism is further fueled by a political climate where promises of reform are frequently overshadowed by entrenched interests and the perpetuation of power dynamics that favor the political elite over ordinary citizens. The entrenched cycle of political defections and alliances, as evidenced by El-Rufai’s maneuvers, highlights a stark reality where the pursuit of power supersedes the commitment to national development.
This pattern of political maneuvering not only perpetuates a cycle of disillusionment among the electorate but also poses significant challenges to fostering a stable and transparent democratic process. The electorate’s growing disillusionment is exacerbated by political figures like El-Rufai, whose repeated party affiliations underscore a tactical play for power rather than a commitment to transformative leadership. The electorate’s skepticism is further fueled by a political climate where promises of reform are frequently overshadowed by entrenched interests and the perpetuation of power dynamics that favor the political elite over ordinary citizens. Such political maneuvering not only undermines the electorate’s trust but also perpetuates a cycle where substantial policy reform remains elusive. The strategic alignment of political figures with parties like the SDP, as advocated by El-Rufai, underscores a pervasive trend where political survival is prioritized over authentic governance reforms. Such a focus on political expediency rather than genuine reform efforts raises critical questions about the future of democracy in Nigeria and whether the electorate will continue to tolerate this cyclical betrayal.
The electorate’s growing disillusionment with these political machinations may eventually catalyze a demand for transparency and accountability, challenging leaders like El-Rufai to move beyond rhetoric and deliver tangible reforms. Given the electorate’s increasing frustration, it becomes imperative for political leaders to demonstrate a commitment to substantive policy changes rather than mere political posturing. The electorate’s demand for accountability is not only a call for action but also a test of the political will to transcend entrenched interests and foster genuine progress. The Social Democratic Party (SDP) must navigate these turbulent waters carefully, as its credibility hinges on distancing itself from the pervasive culture of political expediency that has long plagued the nation’s governance.
READ ALSO: https://newsng.ng/southeast-crises-ipob-peddling-falsehood-disinformation-to-remain-relevant-army/
As the 2027 elections approach, the SDP’s challenge lies in convincing an increasingly skeptical public that it can break away from the entrenched practices of its predecessors and offer a viable alternative to the status quo. The party’s ability to present a cohesive and transparent platform will be crucial in dispelling the pervasive cynicism that has long characterized Nigerian politics. The party’s leadership must recognize that empty promises and shifting allegiances, as exemplified by political figures like El-Rufai, are no longer sufficient to secure the trust of a populace weary of recycled rhetoric and superficial alliances. The electorate’s skepticism is further fueled by figures like El-Rufai, whose frequent party shifts are seen as emblematic of political opportunism rather than a genuine commitment to reform.
The challenge for the SDP will be to distinguish itself from figures like El-Rufai, whose political maneuvers have often been perceived as prioritizing self-interest over meaningful reform. To truly resonate with the electorate, the SDP must present a clear and consistent vision that starkly contrasts with the opportunistic tendencies of career politicians like El-Rufai. The SDP must focus on articulating policies that address the systemic issues of governance, resource mismanagement, and public disenchantment, rather than succumbing to the allure of temporary palliatives that have historically characterized political campaigns. The SDP’s commitment to integrity and reform will be tested as it navigates the complex landscape of Nigerian politics, where promises are often made with little intention of being fulfilled. The SDP must also remain vigilant against the allure of figures whose past actions, such as those of El-Rufai, have often contributed to the perpetuation of a political culture rooted in cynicism and self-preservation. The SDP’s ability to build trust will hinge on its willingness to break away from the shadow of political figures like El-Rufai, whose influence often symbolizes a return to the entrenched power dynamics that many voters are eager to dismantle.
* James Bwala, PhD, writes from Abuja.
2027: SDP, El-Rufai, and the refuge of lies
Columns
Jos: Living in Conflicts and Crisis for a Quarter of a Century: Where Peace Became Paranormal Stranger (2)
Jos: Living in Conflicts and Crisis for a Quarter of a Century: Where Peace Became Paranormal Stranger (2)
By: Balami Lazarus
How do we find lasting solutions to the conflicts and crises in Jos? How do we go about the general insecurity facing the nation? While the utterances of some highly placed Nigerians like Godswill Akpabio, Nuhu Ribadu, Sheik Gumi, and others are fuelling this aged monster called
insecurity and its perpetrators that is burning us to the third degree.
I have radical lasting solutions to the conflicts and crises in Jos. And the general insecurity we allowed ourselves to be webbed in it.
The lingering civil unrest in Jos has fast-forwarded the insecurity in the city. It has also intensified killings, kidnapping, banditry, and terrorism in guerrilla-style attacks, as in the case of Ungwan Rukuba, 29th March, 2026.
Reportedly, there are lots of guns in the hands of many citizens of Plateau State unlicenced. In fact, Nigerians are now leveraging the provisions of the law for self-defense.
But how far and to what extent can we defend ourselves against these bandits or terrorists that are armed with sophisticated firearms? While in Jos, they (terrorists/bandits) are taking advantage of our disunity to launch mayhem on us living in the city.
The recent attacks by unknown gunmen in the city center (Ungwan Rukuba) show the extent of how we have failed in our unity. And that allegedly no arrest has been made. Rather innocent youths of the said area were arrested and are now treated as suspects of the gruesome killings.
Now let me begin to reel out my radical solutions on these issues that have eaten deep into our bone marrows.
Indeed, the need for well-equipped and armed standing state and local government police is a necessity for state security and protection of lives and property of the citizens that will in turn propel
and enhanced our national security, because this issue has engulfed the country.
The conflicts and crises in Jos have always been generated from within by some individuals or groups of persons who lack peaceful coexistence in their DNA.
The immediate thing to do is for each and every ward to organize, train, and arm their vigilante groups with assault rifles. An example of one such group is the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) of Maiduguri in Borno state. This vigilante group is doing well in protecting the city. I commend them.
I hereby believe the application of the method aforementioned will bring back peace as a permanent resident in Jos but not as an itinerant. Because it is only in the Jos Plateau that peace is always travelling, and you hear us saying, “Peace has returned.”
The government and the people are now paying dearly for the consequences of the inactions and deliberate refusal of the recent past and present administrations—federal and state—to take decisive actions to bring an end to these compounded insecurities destroying the polity.
I am one individual who holds strong beliefs and believes in radical ways of finding solutions to problematic issues.
Using Plateau State as an example, where incessant killings are a permanent feature. Therefore, Nigerians should begin to agitate for the breakup of the country through peaceful means like a referendum or restructuring of our systems for a better Nigeria, on the one hand. It is now the right time for regions or groups to begin the process of secession as radical change for the good of the balkanization of the country, on the other.
Whereas if and when two can no longer live together in an agreed-upon and peaceful atmosphere, having exhausted reasonable avenues. What will be the next action?
And here we are. What are we going to do? Tell me sincerely and truthfully.
Balami, Publisher/Columnist 08036779290
Jos: Living in Conflicts and Crisis for a Quarter of a Century: Where Peace Became Paranormal Stranger (2)
Columns
Jos: Living in Conflicts and Crisis for a Quarter of a Century; Where Peace Became a Paranormal Stranger (1)
Jos: Living in Conflicts and Crisis for a Quarter of a Century; Where Peace Became a Paranormal Stranger (1)
By: Balami Lazarus
Imagine a child born in Jos 25 years ago is today an adult by all standards, probably married with a child. And certainly the young man has passed through tense moments, conflicts, and crises that came with hatred, destruction, and killings among the citizens of the state where the lives of the young and the old were not spared.
Looking back with nostalgia when my peers and I were young secondary students in Plato College Sharam, peace was a permanent resident, residing in quietness and recollection when Jos was a melting point of coexistence among the inhabitants in both public and social life. What happened to the question tag?
The Jos conflicts/crisis has suffocated the metropolitan environment over time and space, pollinated by suspicion of ethno-religious and extremist teachings of ideologies in cells carried out by some elements that have created hatred and fear among the people.
Of late, this crisis has turned into terrorist and bandit attacks, claiming more lives than before. And for some residents, including this writer, it is no longer strange nor an item of public discussion in the affairs of some citizens. Because it has been with the people as a paranormal mystery for a quarter of a century (25 years).
However, the loss of lives is the most disturbing central theme in this crisis and/or attacks. Political and economic progress are stagnated; businesses are backstage affairs conducted with fear in a helter-skelter fashion in exchange for goods and services.
The hatchlings of these bloody conflicts and crises have manifested in no-go areas with devastating effects on the intra-micro commercial/corporate business transactions. Rebellion subjects, enemies of peace, have long polarized the city of Jos into ethno-religious and political divides.
The year 2001 was the beginning of Jos’s crisis that has become cyclical these several seasons within the Jos and Bukuru metropolises.
The attitudes of the affected and concerned citizens have illuminated the depths of their feelings, revealing a kaleidoscope of doubts as Nigerians. The Ungwan Rukuba killing spree and the decades of unrest in Jos have raised motions for the identity and reconstruction of the Nigerian state.
To be continued.
Balami, Publisher/Columnist. 08036779290
Jos: Living in Conflicts and Crisis for a Quarter of a Century; Where Peace Became a Paranormal Stranger (1)
Columns
Descendants of Yamtra-Wala: Surfing in the Comfort of the Bura Ethnic Tribe/Cultural Identity
Descendants of Yamtra-Wala: Surfing in the Comfort of the Bura Ethnic Tribe/Cultural Identity
By: Balami Lazarus
I have spoken and written articles on the Bura-Pabir, where I was called names with insults of convex images. I am here once again with nearly the same subject on ethnic tribe/cultural identity: the dilemma of the Pabir group of people who are standing poised between being Pabir or Babur.
The Bura people are an independent ethnic nation historically, geographically, and politically within the Biu territory long before Yamtra-Wala. Is it then wrong for anyone to think and say that the Pabir group of people are the same as the Bura from an ethnic-tribe/historically cultural perspective? What made them the same? How and when did they become the same? Are the Bura people descendants of Yamtra-Wala?
Historically, the Pabir are an extraction of Kanuri/Kanembu through the bloodline of a disgruntled prince, Abdulla, from the Kanem-Borno Empire, who, with his band of 70 men, founded the Biu kingdom and her royal dynasty in or about 1535.
In this work, I will write using Pabir, their original name given to them by the Bura people. I will also raise some thought-provoking questions with the uffti of truth in the space of ethnic tribe/cultural identity.
In history, I was taught to always take note of historical facts and figures and be objective in analyzing historical events/source materials with a sense of reasoning because many histories were falsified through irrational narratives/oral history from one generation to the other.
What is then the rationale behind the Pabir people addressing themselves as Babur? I believed answers to this are rooted in ethno-religious sentiments capped with an inferiority complex in the claws of
Babur. Why are they now forcing themselves on the Bura people’s cultural identity considering the recent development on the yearly Bura Cultural Festival at Marama? And this is the same ethnic tribe many Pabir scorned with contempt.
I was privileged to ask some few individuals from both divides, and what they said on this matter was the plain truth. “The Bura people are the first inhabitants of this territory, people with unique culture, traditions, and customs.” One individual said, “We have to be part of them (Bura) because we are a minority with no ethnic/cultural identity, nor are we an ethnic tribe/nation… They gave us the collective name “Pabir,” not “Babur,” as we are being called and addressed wrongly today.
The distant and recent events have not been in favor of the Bura people. Proponents of the Babur conspiracy theory presumably thought that by being addressed as Babur, they would be given ethnic tribe and cultural identity garments. But has it?
In the context of history, if and when one is speaking or writing for the purpose of ethnic tribe/cultural identity of the Bura people, I believe that such
Submissions shall probably be in favor of the Bura as an independent ethnic nation, unlike the Pabir, who are direct descendants (Yamara-Wala) of Prince Abdulla from Birni Ngarzargamu in the Kanem-Borno Empire.
“I am a Pabir man. Can you point at any cultural source material or genre tied to us as our cultural heritage? And neither are we of common ancestry or lineage with the Bura.”
Let us rewind back, taking into consideration the name Yamtra-Wala, the founder of the royal dynasty of Biu. In the Bura dialect, it is pronounced and spelled as “Yamta Ola.” However, you may wish to know that it has its roots in the Arabic language.
But in an attempt to improvise and starve the term “Pabir,” choking it with “Babur” has further perpetuated historical miscarriage, a clear distortion of history.
What was the position of the Pabir in the ethnic/cultural unity of the Bura people of the Biu territory? Where were they when they had the Bura Almanac of the 1950s, 60s, and 70s titled Bura Community in the following towns and cities like Kaduna, Lagos, Kano, Jos, Enugu, Ibadan, Zaria, and other locations within Nigeria? It is on record that there was absolutely no mention of Pabir in unity with Bura combined as a united community in such places. How then did Pabir get into the ethnic tribe/cultural identity of the Bura people, considering the recent development on the yearly Bura Cultural Festival? Note that these are the same people the Pabir scorned with sentiments of “mission.” However, it still remains the healthy stock where many have reached the sun.
Be as it may, probably they are afraid to be left out individually or collectively in the ethnic identity provided by the Bura people. And to also bask in the comfort of Bura cultural identity and heritage.
Historically, before 1535, there was no such group of people in the Biu territory. Therefore, the band of the 70 led by Prince Abdullah of Birni Ngazargamu in Kanem-Borno does not add up to give the Yamtra descendants the permit to claim ethnic tribe and cultural identity of the Bura people. Archaeological sources around the greater Biu territory like the ancient abandoned settlement sites such as Kumba in old Bwala village. Ghenchabiri in Kwajaffa, among many others in the Hawul Local Government Area, is evidence of the presence of the Bura people before c.1535.
I hereby tie myself with roots of history to say that the Pabir people, who are the descendants of Yamtra-Wala, will find it difficult to disengage and/or isolate themselves from the beautiful Bura ethnic tribe and cultural identity despite sentiments of “mission” because Yamtra-Wala came without cultural identity. For this reason, Pabir or Babur are offshoots of the Bura ethnic tribe and cultural identity because they have an identity of their own.
Similarly, the Bura are the lighthouse of the Biu territory because they are found all over, contributing their quota to nation-building. They also made up the greater part of the Biu territory’s population.
Balami, Publisher/Columnist 08036779290
Descendants of Yamtra-Wala: Surfing in the Comfort of the Bura Ethnic Tribe/Cultural Identity
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